Friday, July 03, 2026

War Crimes, War Powers, and American Sovereignty

 From war crimes and genocide abroad to moral, constitutional, and debt crises at home: Why Congress must reject the NDAA’s U.S.-Israel military and intelligence merger.

by Dennis Kucinich | Jul 3, 2026

Against the horrific high- and low-tech butchery of Palestinians and Lebanese by Israeli ethno-nationalist psychopathic killers, this week there will be an effort in Congress to formally merge or integrate the military of Israel and the United States at the most advanced levels.

Section 219 (formerly Section 224) of the 2027 National Defense Authorization Act of 2027, provides for an unprecedented unification. The nearly $4 billion in the NDAA for Israel’s offensive efforts pales next to Israel having direct access to determining use of $1.5 trillion in annual military resources of the United States.

Money can be appropriated one year and withdrawn the next. Institutional integration is permanent.

Section 219 creates permanent mechanisms through which military planning, intelligence sharing, weapons development, procurement, research, artificial intelligence, and strategic coordination become increasingly intertwined between the United States and Israel.

It is a proposal to embed another nation’s military establishment within the long-term planning and strategic architecture of the United States government.

Our own government – House, Senate and Administration – is in moral collapse, placing overwhelming emphasis on militarism instead of adequately funding America – housing, education, food, health, safety, and retirement security. Americans are standing at freeway exits, begging for food, while our tax dollars flow to weapons manufacturers.

While carrying a national debt approaching $40 Trillion, the Administration is increasing spending for its newly dedicated Department of War by 67% to upwards of $1.5 TRILLION per year. Simultaneously, with more than 42 million Americans unable to feed themselves, the administration is cutting federal food programs.

The practical implications extend far beyond dollars. With NDAA Section 219, Congress the legislation would create enduring institutional relationships affecting how those extraordinary military resources are developed, coordinated, and potentially employed.

No Congress has ever before considered legislation of this nature with any foreign nation.

If the Administration’s “America First” claim were to mean anything, it must first mean that America’s Constitution comes first. It must mean that American families, farmers, workers, veterans, and children come first. Section 219 turns that claim into a farce.

Section 219 of the NDAA would cause the United States to become dependent upon Israel making decisions about war, peace, military strategy, intelligence, and U. S. national security. This is the consequence of permanent institutional integration.

One week ago, a UN Commission of Inquiry determined that Israeli security forces deliberately targeted and killed Palestinian children, sometimes as a game, torturing them, subjecting children to sexual violence resulting in “unprecedented death, injury and trauma.”

Since Oct. 7, 2023, the IDF has been instrumental in the deaths of as many as 800,000 Palestinians, including children, emergency health care workers, doctors, nurses, journalists, and educators.

UN investigators and human rights observers have documented the killing of Palestinian children and have accused Israeli forces of deliberately targeting the children of Gaza.

These findings are reinforced by dehumanizing statements from Israeli political figures who have portrayed Palestinian children as future terrorists, so children are targets.

Essential civilian infrastructure has been devastated. Water systems, hospitals, schools, electrical networks, and sanitation facilities have been damaged or destroyed, eacerbating a man-made, humanitarian catastrophe.

In the occupied West Bank, armed “settlers” have been widely reported to have attacked Palestinian communities, burned homes, uprooted olive groves and other crops, destroyed property, and killed livestock, further displacing civilian populations.

Israel has used starvation as a weapon, setting food as a trap and, gunning down Gazans as they rush desperately to feed themselves and their children. Water supplies have been poisoned, wells filled with cement.

Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon are testing ground sfor increasingly sophisticated military technologies, destroying entire villages with increasingly powerful munitions, and using precision, artificial intelligence-assisted targeting systems. Human rights organizations have raised serious concerns about the speed of targeting decisions, civilian casualty rates, and the implications of delegating life-and-death decisions to algorithmic systems.

White phosphorous and other weapons banned by international treaty are in use.

The conduct of the IDF has earned world-wide condemnation. Twenty-nine UN member states do not have diplomatic relations with Israel. The International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former defense Minister Yoav Gallant.

The Israel newspaper Haaretz recently reported that the ICC prosecutor is also seeking arrest warrants for Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich: “Gaza must be destroyed entirely.” and National Security Minister Itamar Ben Givr, who has said: “All of Lebanon must burn.” Will these be our new partners? If so, the fundamental question becomes: Who are WE?

What is to be lost further in an Israel-U.S. military merger?

If the U.S. combines our military capabilities with the twisted occupation and expansionist ethic of Israel’s use of military technology against civilian populations, will it be long before our own government militarizes the high -tech surveillance infrastructure already in place to use state violence against our own citizens who protest abuse of basic rights?

The First Amendment has already been taken down on college campuses, and in cities and states where Israel critics are sanctioned.

U.S. Immigration and Custom Enforcement (ICE) officials have trained in Israel. The lessons learned there have come to America in terms of deportation, detention, and in some cases, physical abuse, injury and death at the hands of ICE government agents.

Israel kills Arab children so they will not commit crimes in the future. Will Americans, as in the movie Minority Report be pitched into a dystopian world where predictive algorithms enable Israel-U.S. collaborators to hunt down, prosecute and even punish Americans for crimes not committed?

As a Member of Congress, I questioned Benjamin Netanyahu during a hearing which took place prior to the 2003 Congressional vote on going to war against Iraq. He admitted he wanted not only Iraq to be attacked by the United States, but also Libya and Iran. It is widely known that the Israeli Prime Minister pushed President Trump into the disastrous war against Iran.

It is inevitable that as Israel’s aggression is maximally empowered, once placed inside the U.S. war-making establishment, the U.S. will be dragged into the Zionists’ expansionist designs on Iran, Turkey, Egypt and elsewhere. A greater Israel means a lesser United States. Congress, heavily influenced by the Israel lobby, is unable to reclaim its constitutionally based war power

Since the merger is to be voted on, this week, before America celebrates the 250th anniversary of our Declaration of Independence, let us be reminded by Thomas Jefferson’s July 4, 1776 characterization of George III, King of Great Britain: “He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws….”

Our forefathers did not fight for freedom and for independence at Lexington and Concord, Bunker Hill, Trenton, Saratoga, and Yorktown, nor sacrifice American blood and treasure in battles in World War I and World War II to arrive at July 4, 2026, having willingly forfeited our sovereignty to a foreign nation, losing control of our future and putting in doubt “our lives, our fortunes, our sacred honor.”

Call your congressperson today and tell them to stand for America’s independence and vote for the Massie-Khanna Amendment to remove Section 219 from the NDAA.

Israeli jets entered Iran to attack negotiator plane after Islamabad talks, NYT reports

 Washington warned Tehran that Israel could target Araghchi as Ghalibaf’s plane made an emergency landing

 

Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi aboard a flight to Zurich ahead of negotiations on 21 June 2026 (AFP)

MEE staff

Published date: 3 July 2026

Israeli fighter jets entered Iranian airspace as Tehran’s top negotiators were engaged in diplomatic efforts with the United States, according to a New York Times report that says American officials feared Israel was plotting to kill two senior Iranian officials involved in peace negotiations.

US officials became increasingly concerned that Israel could target Iranian foreign minister Abbas Araghchi and parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, on their return to Iran after peace negotiations between Washington and Tehran in Pakistan, the report published on Wednesday said. 

According to the New York Times, Washington was concerned that an Israeli assassination attempt could derail the talks and it asked regional countries to warn Iran about the potential threat.

“Any attempt to kill the Iranian leaders would end the talks and reignite the fighting,” American officials told the newspaper.

While Washington increasingly focused on securing a ceasefire and a diplomatic framework, Israel remained sceptical of negotiations that fell short of its broader war aims. 

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The New York Times reported that concerns peaked during negotiations that began in earnest in April, when Araghchi and Ghalibaf emerged as key interlocutors in talks aimed at securing a ceasefire and laying the groundwork for a longer-term agreement.

A US official and a Middle East official told the newspaper that the Trump administration learned that Ghalibaf was on an Israeli targeting list and asked Israel to refrain from any action against him.

Iranian officials quoted by the newspaper said Tehran also sought assurances from Washington, through Pakistani and Qatari intermediaries, that Israel would not target members of the Iranian negotiating team.

The concerns were deepened during an April trip to Islamabad, where Ghalibaf was scheduled to meet US Vice President JD Vance.

According to the report, Pakistani fighter jets escorted the Iranian delegation’s aircraft to and from Islamabad because of fears that Israel could attempt to assassinate senior Iranian officials. 

On the return journey, Iranian security services informed the aircraft carrying Ghalibaf that intelligence indicated Israel was preparing an attack and that two Israeli fighter jets had entered Iranian airspace from the western border near Iraq, the newspaper reported, citing Iranian officials.

Mahdi Mohammadi, a senior adviser to Ghalibaf who accompanied the delegation, confirmed the account on social media.  

Iran turns to Pakistan land corridor as US naval pressure disrupts Gulf trade

Read More »

The aircraft subsequently made an emergency landing in Mashhad, and members of the delegation completed the journey to Tehran by land, travelling for approximately eight hours, the newspaper said.

“Today Mr. Ghalibaf and Mr. Araghchi, and other members of the negotiating team, have put their lives on the line knowing the grave security risks and this is called a real sacrifice, not political manoeuvring,” Iranian lawmaker Mohsen Zanganeh told local media in April. 

The newspaper reported that while the United States pursued negotiations that ultimately led to a framework agreement in June, Israeli officials viewed the emerging deal as insufficient because it did not achieve objectives such as regime change in Iran, dismantling Tehran’s regional allies and significantly degrading its missile capabilities.

A spokeswoman for the Israeli Embassy in Washington declined to comment to the newspaper on the allegations.

Asked about the reported warnings to Iran, a US official told the New York Times that President Donald Trump wanted the peace process “to play out” and noted that talks between American and Iranian delegations were continuing.

Despite the reported threats, Araghchi and Ghalibaf continued travelling for negotiations, including meetings in Qatar and a subsequent round of talks in Switzerland in June with Vance and other members of the US delegation, according to the report.

Thursday, July 02, 2026

Iranians believe Israel will restart war before its October elections

 

Benjamin Netanyahu

Whether the Trump admin is coordinating with Israel remains unclear to Tehran. But suspicions surrounding Marco Rubio run particularly deep.

 

Trita Parsi,  Jul 01, 2026

Will Israel restart the war with Iran before the October elections? This is the consensus view emerging within Iran’s internal national security debate over the past week.

Several factors are driving Tehran to this conclusion. Beyond its deep — and not entirely unwarranted — suspicion of President Donald Trump’s intentions, heightened by Vice President JD Vance’s recent remark that Trump wants to use the MOU to replenish global oil reserves and then “see where the hand is,” two developments stand out: the recent Israeli-Lebanese agreement and its impact on Hezbollah’s military posture over the coming months.

From Tehran’s perspective, the agreement hands Israel a significant advantage in any renewed war with Iran — one it lacked in February. By allowing Israeli forces to remain in parts of southern Lebanon, the deal appears to contravene the MOU while fundamentally reshaping the military balance. Israel’s continued presence in these strategic positions would make it far more difficult for Hezbollah to mount the kind of offensive operations that proved critical during the previous round of fighting.

That matters because, in February and March, the Iranians say they used only about 40 percent of their offensive capabilities against Israel, because Hezbollah carried much of the remaining burden. At the time, pundits in the West were debating why Tehran hit the UAE harder than it did Israel.

Part of it was because of Israel’s much higher pain tolerance compared to the GCC states. Tehran was aiming to reach the most accessible pain threshold to pressure the U.S. to end the war. But part of it was the critical role Hezbollah played in the war, contrary to much of the press coverage at the time. It played a critical role in stretching Israel’s defenses, complicating its targeting decisions, and forcing it to divide resources across multiple fronts.

That role, however, was poorly understood because Israel imposed near-total military censorship during the war — far stricter than the censorship regime in June 2025 — which sharply limited public visibility into Hezbollah’s operations and their impact. As a result, the degree to which Hezbollah shaped the course of the war has been significantly underestimated.

Unlike the MOU, the current Israeli-Lebanese agreement does not require Israel to withdraw from Lebanese territory until Hezbollah has been disarmed. Since that outcome is highly unlikely in the foreseeable future, Israel is poised to retain its positions inside Lebanon, enabling it to renew the war with Iran without facing the same pressure from its northern front that constrained it during the previous conflict.

Netanyahu’s motivations are clear. Beyond his long-standing desire to use American force to subjugate Iran to Israeli domination and achieve a regional balance favourable to Israel, he now also has stark political and personal reasons to restart the war.

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The MOU has come at a steep political cost for Netanyahu. His prospects for reelection in October are weaker than they have been in months. Once seen as the Israeli leader uniquely capable of delivering President Trump, he now confronts the prospect that both the war and the ensuing diplomacy will leave Israel in a strategically weaker position — undermining the very case he has made for his leadership.

And of course, if he loses the elections, he will likely spend the next few years in jail, as he will lose his immunity as Prime Minister and face trial over corruption charges.

Whether the Trump administration is coordinating with Israel on such a strategy remains unclear to Tehran. But suspicions surrounding Secretary of State Marco Rubio run particularly deep, given his role in brokering the Israeli-Lebanese agreement, his support for the war, and his perceived opposition to the MOU.

From Tehran’s perspective, there are three plausible scenarios. The first is that the White House is aware of Israel’s plans and helped broker the Lebanese agreement in part to facilitate them. The second is that Washington is unaware of Netanyahu’s intentions but would nonetheless come to Israel’s defense — and perhaps even join the offensive — once Netanyahu resumes the war. The third is that the administration is caught by surprise, chooses not to restrain Israel, but also refrains from direct military involvement in the conflict.

Tehran does not believe Israel’s advantage in Lebanon will prove decisive. Iranian officials remain confident they can impose severe costs on Israel and deny it its broader strategic objectives. But a renewed war could still achieve Netanyahu’s most immediate aim: killing the MOU. Given his mounting political and legal pressures, Netanyahu may be desperate enough to be willing to challenge Trump directly to ensure precisely that outcome.

The question is, once again, not how Trump will react, but if Trump will prevent Netanyahu from deliberately shaping and limiting Trump’s options. This is the test Trump has repeatedly failed.

This article was republished from Trita Parsi’s substack

Trita Parsi

Trita Parsi is the co-founder and Executive Vice president of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.

The views expressed by authors on Responsible Statecraft do not necessarily reflect those of the Quincy Institute or its associates.

The U.S. oligarchy’s crime boss: Trump pocketed $2.2 billion in 2025

 Barry Grey, WSWS. ORG, 2 July 2026

 

President Donald Trump speaks at a news conference, Monday, March 9, 2026, at Trump National Doral Miami in Doral, Fla. [AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein]

On Tuesday, President Donald Trump released his mandatory financial disclosure for 2025. It showed that he more than tripled his personal income during the first year of his second term, from $622 million in 2024 to at least $2.2 billion last year.

The scale of Trump’s self-enrichment renders the great corruption scandals of American history almost quaint by comparison. The Teapot Dome affair of the 1920s, which stood for a century as the byword for political criminality, centered on roughly $400,000 in bribes—about $8 million in today’s dollars—accepted by Interior Secretary Albert Fall in exchange for leasing naval oil reserves. Fall went to prison. Vice President Spiro Agnew was forced to resign in 1973 over kickbacks totaling perhaps $250,000, collected in envelopes of cash from Maryland contractors. By Trumpian standards, small potatoes.

The report provided some indications of the flagrant self-dealing and corruption that enabled the real estate swindler and media huckster-turned-US president to massively expand his fortune and that of his family. By last September, the collective wealth of the Trump family stood at an estimated $10 billion, having nearly doubled since the November 2024 election. Donald Trump Jr.’s wealth went from $50 million to $300 million, and that of Eric Trump rose tenfold to $400 million.

In the same year, labor’s share of the national income fell to its lowest level since records began. In the third quarter of 2025, labor’s share fell to 53.8 percent, down from 70 percent in 1947. These statistics translate in real life into poverty wages, impossibly high rents and living costs, and longer working hours for tens of millions of workers.

An annual income of $2.2 billion is equivalent to the incomes of 37,931 US autoworkers, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ estimate of the average autoworker’s wage, based on a 40-hour workweek. An annual income of $2.2 billion computes to $251,000 per hour. At that rate, someone takes in $70 per second, more than twice what a UAW autoworker earns in an hour.

No wonder that at an Oval Office event this week Trump defended his refusal to sign a bill to increase low-income housing, demanding that Congress first pass his plan to disenfranchise millions of working class voters and calling the housing bill a “big yawn.”

In his first term, between 2017 and 2021, Trump broke with the practice of modern presidents who put their financial affairs in blind trusts. He refused to divest from his businesses and placed them in a trust he could still access. He used his Trump International Hotel in Washington D.C. as a cash cow, encouraging foreign delegations, lobbyists and Republican officials to spend money that flowed into his personal bank accounts. He granted his daughter Ivanka multiple Chinese trademarks while she served as a White House adviser, at the same time that US-China trade talks were underway.

That, however, pales in comparison to Trump’s second term. He refused to sign the ethics pledge he had taken in his first term, rescinded Biden’s presidential ethics rules, and fired the head of the Office of Government Ethics early in 2025, leaving it without a permanent director.

Trump made the bulk of his 2025 income from his cryptocurrency businesses, which accounted for some $1.4 billion. According to an analysis in the New York Times, his crypto venture World Liberty Financial, which sells a digital currency called $WLFI, took in $799 million last year, compared to $57 million in 2024.

Three days before his second inauguration, Trump helped launch a memecoin, $TRUMP, which has generated another $636 million. He made $77 million from Mar-a-Lago last year, compared to $50 million in 2024, and $122 million from his Trump National Doral golf club, an increase of $11 million. He holds shares in his Trump Media & Technology group worth $875 million. At the end of 2025, Trump had investment assets of at least $857 million, compared to $236 million the prior year.

Trump’s crypto businesses directly benefited from his policy decisions as president. In January 2025, three days before his inauguration, an investment firm tied to the government of the United Arab Emirates bought a 49 percent stake in World Liberty Financial, generating $23 million in profits for the Trump family. Soon after, the Trump administration struck a deal for the US to export computer chips that power artificial intelligence to the UAE.

Trump’s memecoin business directly benefited from a February 2025 Securities and Exchange Commission statement notifying the industry that such tokens would no longer be subject to the agency’s oversight, reversing the position of the agency’s chairman during the Biden administration. And Trump signed legislation last July to promote a form of cryptocurrency called stablecoins four months after his family-backed firm introduced its own stablecoin.

Last October, Trump pardoned Binance founder Changpeng Zhao, the richest man in crypto, who had pleaded guilty in 2023 to violating anti-money laundering laws and served four months in prison. Binance has since become a critical business partner to the Trump family’s own crypto venture.

Crypto, however, is by no means the only area where Trump has used the White House to promote his business ventures and increase his personal wealth. He has licensed the Trump name to properties in countries such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Those two deals alone generated more than $14 million for Trump in 2025.

Last Sunday, the New York Times published an exposé about a multi-billion-dollar deal between the US and Kazakhstan for the development of tungsten mines in the former Soviet republic. The project directly involves the sons of Trump and his Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick. Billions in loans from the U.S. Commerce Department and the Export-Import Bank are being allocated to finance a venture that stands to generate untold millions in profits for the two families, as well as other billionaire cronies of the president.

Then there are the millions being made by members of the financial elite from bets in predictive markets on oil prices based on advance notice of White House announcements of bombings and/or peace talks with Iran. In a world dominated by oligarchs and their gangster representatives such as Trump, the lives of countless thousands become the stuff of profiteering from manipulated markets. Investigative reports have documented how Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner has used his role in negotiations and Middle East policy to secure massive sums from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies for his private investment vehicles.

This is all in addition to the more mundane corruption of the Trump administration, including no-bid contracts to donors with business before the government for projects such as the White House ballroom and the Reflecting Pool.

Trump is not merely breaking the rules; he is rewriting them so that his enrichment ceases to be legally classifiable as crime. Corruption raised to the level of state policy—the legalization of the loot as it is looted.

These are not the crimes of a single individual. The staggeringly wealthy and parasitic financial oligarchy has installed Trump, a fascistic product of the New York real estate and gambling mafia, as the head of state. Nothing reveals the mores of this new aristocracy more than the Epstein scandal, which implicates the heights of official society and whose cover-up unites Trump, the corporate media and virtually the entire political establishment.

As for the nominal opposition party, the Democrats, they wring their hands and complain but do nothing to stop the plundering or hold the criminals accountable, because they are controlled by the same class of oligarchs and defend their system based on the private ownership of the means of production and production for profit.

This entire class must be expropriated, and the wealth produced by the working class must be used to meet social needs.

Wednesday, July 01, 2026

Palestinians Report Intensified Israeli Military Operations in the Gaza Strip

 


Gaza’s Health Ministry said Tuesday that at least eight Palestinians were killed over the previous 24 hour period

by Dave DeCamp , Antiwar. com, | June 30, 2026 at 1:30 pm ET | Gaza, Israel

The Israeli military has intensified its military operations across Gaza, the Palestinian news agency WAFA reported on Tuesday, citing its correspondents in the Strip, as the IDF continues its constant violations of the US-backed ceasefire deal.

The report said that the ramped-up activity included the large-scale demolition of homes and civilian infrastructure in the eastern and northeastern areas of the southern city of Khan Younis. In the nearby city of Rafah, WAFA reported heavy artillery shelling and gunfire toward Khan Younis.

In Gaza City, the report said that “Israeli forces detonated a booby-trapped robot loaded with a large quantity of explosives, targeting homes in the Tuffah neighborhood in the northeast of the city” and that there was also “heavy gunfire from military vehicles” in the area and “sporadic explosions.”

Mourners attend the funeral of Palestinian woman Diana Abu Daraz and her one-year-old daughter, Sewar, who were killed in an Israeli strike on tents, according to medics, outside Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, June 30, 2026. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed

The news agency also reported that at least two people were killed by an Israeli airstrike near Khan Younis and multiple people were injured by Israeli attacks in Gaza City. Gaza’s Health Ministry said in its daily update that it recorded the Israeli killing of at least eight Palestinians and the injury of 26.

In recent days, Israeli forces have killed multiple children, including a one-year-old girl who was killed alongside her mother in an airstrike targeting a tent in southern Gaza. Palestinians held a funeral for the child and her mother at the Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis on Tuesday.

The escalation in Israeli attacks comes as the IDF has been taking more territory in Gaza, a clear violation of the ceasefire deal. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said last month that he ordered the Israeli military to take 70% of Gaza’s territory, up from 60%, and Israeli military officials said last week that the IDF has achieved that goal.

Since the so-called ceasefire deal was signed, the Health Ministry has recorded the Israeli killing of 1,053 Palestinians and the injury of 3,406. “A number of victims are still under the rubble and in the streets, as ambulance and civil defense crews have been unable to reach them so far,” the ministry wrote on Telegram.

Palestinians Are Being Denied Return to West Bank Refugee Camps After Israel Bulldozed Their Homes

In Jenin, Israel is building the first permanent military base in Area A since the Oslo Accords in the 1990s.

ASEEL MAFARJEH, Drop Site Post, 30m June, 2026
 
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Israeli soldiers deployed in Tulkarm refugee camp in the occupied West Bank look on as displaced Palestinians granted temporary permits retrieve belongings from their destroyed or heavily damaged homes on June 21, 2026. Photo by Aseel Mfarajeh.

JENIN, Occupied West Bank—It took Omar Qalib more than a decade to finish his family’s three-story house in Jouret al-Dahab, a neighborhood in the heart of the Jenin refugee camp. A construction worker, he built it himself, brick by brick. But it was worth it, he thought. The property fell within Area A, a zone within the occupied West Bank where the Palestinian Authority nominally controls both civil and security affairs.

But in January 2025, Qalib was forced from his home, along with tens of thousands of other Palestinians, as Israel launched a large-scale military operation dubbed “Iron Wall” targeting refugee camps in Jenin, Tulkarm, and Nur Shams. More than 30,000 Palestinians were forced from their homes over the ensuing months, in the largest displacement of Palestinians in the West Bank in a single operation since the 1967 war.

After invading and occupying the camps in February 2025, the Israeli military campaign flattened entire neighborhoods, turning them into wastelands. Where narrow alleys once ran between tall buildings so close they blocked the light, wide dirt roads now cut through the heart of the camps, carved out by Israeli military bulldozers.

As part of the campaign, the camps have been cordoned off. Just to see what’s left of his home, Qalib needs a permit from the Israeli military. Few Palestinians are able to obtain them. And the permits only grant one-time, temporary access. Two weeks ago, Qalib was one of the lucky few who obtained a permit to visit his destroyed home.

“The house is gone,” said Qalib “My house and my son’s house. A whole life of work, gone.”

Qalib, 56, now shares two rooms with his wife, two adult sons and their families, packed together in a dormitory connected to the Arab American university in the city of Jenin. “I had a whole family in that house,” he said. “Now we are all in two rooms waiting for something we don’t know when will end.”

Every morning Qalib heads out looking for work as a day laborer, the principal breadwinner responsible for rent, food, electricity, water, and transportation costs for an entire household. Those costs have nearly doubled since they were displaced.

Both of Qalib’s sons were shot by Israeli soldiers during the military invasion of the camp. One was left half paralyzed, with damage to his kidney, spleen, and lung, and is unable to work. His other son recovered from his injuries and is able to physically work though he has been able to find a job since they left their home, nearly a year and a half ago.

Recently, some Palestinians have been granted limited access to enter their old neighborhoods, mainly to scavenge in their destroyed or heavily damaged homes for items they left behind. What they described to Drop Site are neighborhoods made unrecognizable: men who spent their lives in these alleys wander in the middle of emptied out dirt roads, looking for a mosque that used to mark the turn, the building that used to anchor their route. The landmarks are gone. Some cannot even locate where their own homes once stood.

The First Permanent Israeli Military Base in Area A Since Oslo

Alongside the large-scale destruction, the Israeli military is engaged in unprecedented construction. In May, the commander of Israel’s Central Command signed an order to seize land in the city of Jenin, near the Jenin refugee camp, and construct a permanent military base, according to documents first revealed by Haaretz. It marked the first time since the Oslo Accords in 1993 that the Israeli military has built a permanent post in Area A.

While the Israeli military has staged regular incursions into cities and towns in Area A for years, despite it technically being under Palestinian civil and security control, the establishment of a permanent Israeli military base represents a major shift. “The Area A designation was the foundational pillar of the concept of Palestinian self-governance,” said Ibrahim Abras, a political analyst and academic. “A permanent military base inside these areas signals a shift in the nature of Israeli control, a gradual transition from managing the conflict through temporary incursions to imposing a long-term field presence that raises serious questions about the future legal and political status of these areas.”

Putting a base in Jenin is “a mechanism for reshaping control over the land,” said Ismat Mansour, a specialist in Israeli affairs. “A permanent base near Jenin gives Israel far greater leverage over the security and political landscape of the entire region.”

Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Palestinians in the West Bank remain displaced from their homes, with no legal justification offered for blocking their return, according to ACRI, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, which has described the situation as a systematic violation of the rights of an entire displaced population.

In late March, the Israeli security cabinet secretly approved 34 settlements across the West Bank, including six of them that form a ring around Jenin. It marked the largest number of settlements and outposts approved by any Israeli government at one time.

“Many of the current settlements began as military positions or outposts before being converted into permanent civilian communities,” said Khalil Tufakji, a settlements expert who has spent decades mapping the relationship between military infrastructure and settlement expansion.

The pattern, said Tufakji, is not new. “Reactivating evacuated outposts in the northern West Bank simultaneously with a permanent military base demands a wider reading about the future of the entire area.”

The establishment and fortification of new Israeli settlements comes in parallel with the all but total restriction of permits for Palestinians to return to their homes. To enter a refugee camp a Palestinian was born in, grew up in, and subsequently displaced from, now requires Israeli military authorization. Palestinians who have managed to obtain a permit describe it as a one-time authorization that comes with no guarantee it will be granted again. The displacement has effectively become permanent.

Israeli soldiers deployed in Tulkarm refugee camp in the occupied West Bank look on as displaced Palestinians granted temporary permits retrieve belongings from their destroyed or heavily damaged homes on June 21, 2026. Photo by Aseel Mfarajeh.

“When will we go back to our house?”

Um Faris, 42, left Nur Shams camp in January 2025 with her five children, each carrying a piece of home in their hands.

Faris, 17, carried a small bag with the family’s documents. His mother warned him not to lose it no matter what. The younger children each held onto something too: Ahmed, 14, keeps photos of the camp on his phone and spends hours looking at them. Layan, 8, brought a small cloth doll, the last piece of her old room. She goes to sleep every night holding it.

They left a big house with a backyard and now live in a small rented apartment with thin walls on the outskirts of Tulkarm. Before being displaced, her husband worked in construction. The road closures and movement restrictions ended that. Faris was forced to drop out of school to find work; he has stopped talking about finishing school and going to university. His younger siblings also eventually dropped out because they were unable to attend classes as a result of the severe restrictions on movement imposed by the Israeli army.

Um Faris has documents proving ownership of her home. But she does not have the permit to enter the area where it once stood. She’s not sure what is even left of it. Every morning, her youngest child asks the same question: “When will we go back to our house?”

In Fahma, south of Jenin, 35-year-old Ahmed lives in a rented house with his family. He declined to give his last name for fear of Israeli retribution. Six of them share just two rooms, a space half the size of the home they left in the Jenin camp. The family shop that provided part of their household income is gone. Lately rents have been rising, and humanitarian assistance is being reduced. With no stable income, covering rent, food, and other household expenses has become a daily struggle.

Ahmed keeps the key to his old house in his pocket, hoping to return. On one of the rare occasions when he was briefly granted access, Ahmed walked through the alleys he grew up in.

Or, he tried to. “I thought I knew every stone,” he said. “But I felt like a stranger. The streets I had memorized were gone. Buildings that had been fixed points in my memory had disappeared. Entire neighborhoods looked like they had been erased.”

“The continued prevention of thousands of Palestinians from returning to their camps for months creates a new reality on the ground,” said Ashraf al-Akka, a political analyst. “The social and economic fabric begins to break down gradually while physical changes inside the emptied areas continue. The prolonged displacement cannot be separated from broader Israeli policies aimed at reshaping Palestinian geography in the West Bank.”

Worse yet, the periodic orders forcing displacement show no signs of stopping. In Qalandia and other camps across the West Bank, multiple residents told Drop Site that Israeli soldiers used loudspeakers to blare out a chilling warning during raids: “Prepare yourselves. What happened in Jenin and Tulkarm will happen to you.”

This story was reported and produced in collaboration with Egab.

 

Tuesday, June 30, 2026

‘Response to Antisemitism is Decolonization of Palestine’: Pappé on Zionism and Europe

The Palestine Chronicle, June 27, 2026

 

Ilan Pappé addressed the Second Jewish Anti-Zionist Congress. (Photo: The Palestine Chronicle)

By Romana Rubeo  

Addressing the Second Jewish Anti-Zionist Congress, Ilan Pappé urged Jewish anti-Zionists to challenge Zionism while advancing Palestinian liberation.

‘Universal Voice for Palestine’

DUBLIN – Opening his keynote address at the Second Jewish Anti-Zionist Congress in Dublin, Israeli historian Ilan Pappé admitted that, after more than four decades of activism, he had often questioned whether a specifically Jewish anti-Zionist movement was necessary at all.

After all, he reflected, the struggle for Palestine should never depend on religious or ethnic identity.

“What we need is a universal voice for Palestine,” Pappé said during his address. “Who cares whether you are Jewish, Muslim or Christian? If you are a human being with even a modicum of decency, how can you remain indifferent to the suffering of the Palestinian people?”

Yet, he acknowledged, recent political developments had convinced him that a distinct Jewish anti-Zionist voice remains indispensable—not because Jews bear greater moral responsibility than others, but because Judaism continues to be invoked to justify Israel’s policies and silence criticism of them.

Referring to the appointment of a prominent pro-Israel lobbyist as chief adviser to Britain’s incoming prime minister, Pappé argued that whether such lobbying networks possess the extraordinary influence often attributed to them is almost secondary. What matters politically, he said, is that governments believe they do.

That perception, he argued, continues to shape Western policy, where accusations of antisemitism are routinely weaponized to shield Israel from accountability despite overwhelming evidence documenting occupation, apartheid and genocide.

“This is abnormal,” Pappé said. “It is unjust. It is immoral.”

For that reason, he argued, Jewish anti-Zionists carry a particular responsibility to dismantle the idea that Zionism represents Judaism itself.

“If we fail to challenge the idea that Zionism represents the only authentic expression of Judaism,” he warned, “we should not be surprised if others eventually conclude that this is what Judaism itself represents.”

Solidarity Begins by Listening

Although much of his address focused on challenging dominant political narratives, Pappé repeatedly returned to a simpler principle: solidarity begins by listening to Palestinians rather than speaking for them.

“This Congress is devoted to action,” he said, referring to its theme, From Words to Action. “Solidarity does not consist of telling Palestinians what they need.”

Instead, he argued, Palestinians themselves must define the priorities of the international solidarity movement.

“Our role is to listen,” Pappé said, expressing concern that even within progressive circles, authentic Palestinian voices are still too often marginalized by what he described as lingering colonial—and sometimes Islamophobic—assumptions.

“The stage belongs to Palestinians,” he insisted, “not only to describe their suffering—but to articulate their political vision.”

That responsibility, he argued, extends beyond immediate solidarity work.

Jewish anti-Zionists must also continue dismantling two narratives that remain deeply entrenched across Western societies: the claim that Zionism is the natural expression of Judaism, and the assertion that anti-Zionism is inherently antisemitic.

Both, he said, require sustained historical education rather than political slogans.

“This requires patience,” Pappé observed. “It requires education. It requires historical work.”

Those conversations, he argued, must move beyond audiences already sympathetic to Palestine and reach ordinary people whose understanding of the conflict has largely been shaped by decades of political mythmaking.

Europe’s Unfinished Reckoning

Moving beyond the present, Pappé devoted much of his address to what he described as Europe’s unresolved historical responsibility for Palestine.

The international order established after the Second World War, he argued, presented itself as universal through institutions such as the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Yet the people designing that order were almost exclusively representatives of colonial powers, while the colonized world remained absent from the conversation.

That omission, he suggested, became decisive when Europe confronted what it called “the Jewish question.”

“When those same leaders confronted what they called ‘the Jewish question,’ almost none of them proposed the obvious solution,” Pappé said. “Almost nobody said: ‘Let us invite Europe’s Jews back into Europe.’”

Instead, he argued, European governments embraced Zionist colonization in Palestine, transferring the consequences of centuries of European antisemitism onto a people who bore no responsibility for those crimes.

Germany, he said, occupies a central place in that history.

Contrary to the dominant postwar narrative, Pappé argued that Germany “was not denazified” in any meaningful political sense. Instead, he said, the country’s relationship with Israel became a substitute for confronting the deeper structures that had produced Nazism and antisemitism.

According to Pappé, postwar reparations did more than compensate Holocaust survivors. They also helped build Israel’s military establishment, while subsequent German political and military support—including assistance that strengthened Israel’s strategic capabilities—cemented a relationship that continues to shape European policy today.

“This historical relationship still shapes contemporary politics,” he said, arguing that Europe has “never fully reckoned with the consequences of exporting its own historical crimes onto the Palestinian people.”

For Pappé, acknowledging that history does not mean imagining that Israeli Jews should somehow return to Europe. Rather, it requires Europe to recognize that Palestinians paid the price for crimes committed on another continent.

Recovering another forgotten history, he continued, is equally important.

Long before Zionism, Palestine formed part of a broader Arab world in which Muslims, Christians and Jews lived together despite inevitable tensions and inequalities.

“There was a Jewish presence in Palestine,” Pappé recalled. “There were Arab Jews.” Almost nobody, he said, believed that the future required an exclusively Jewish state.

That history of coexistence was fractured by colonialism and Zionism, yet it remains one of the strongest challenges to the ideological foundations of the Israeli state.

“Recovering the history of Arab Jewish life,” he argued, “is one of the most powerful ways of dismantling Zionist mythology,” because it demonstrates that coexistence existed before colonialism intervened—and therefore can exist again.

Returning to the central theme of his address, Pappé rejected the idea that nationalism or ethnic supremacy could ever constitute a meaningful response to centuries of antisemitism.

“The greatest response to antisemitism today,” he concluded, “is the decolonization of Palestine.”

That, he argued, requires dismantling Zionism “as a colonial political project” while allowing Palestinians to live as free people “on their own land.”

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Romana Rubeo is an Italian writer and the managing editor of The Palestine Chronicle. Her articles appeared in many online newspapers and academic journals. She holds a Master’s Degree in Foreign Languages and Literature and specializes in audio-visual and journalism translation.