Wednesday, August 19, 2026

‘Deranged Behavior’: Marco Rubio Slammed for US Sanctions on ICC President

 

US-POLITICS-RUBIO

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio makes opening statement during an event at the US Department of State on July 16, 2026, in Washington, DC.

(Photo by Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images)

“When you are shameless, contemptuous of international law, and morally bankrupt, you boast of disgrace as though it were an achievement,” said one critic.

Brad Reed

Aug 18, 2026

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Tuesday drew an outraged reaction from critics after he unveiled sanctions against Tomoko Akane, president of the International Criminal Court.

In announcing the sanctions, Rubio described the ICC as “a corrupt and fatally politicized” institution that has supposedly “abused its authority and exceeded its mandate.”

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Rubio said the ICC “has repeatedly attempt to assert authority over… the United States and other countries that have not consented to its jurisdiction,” which he said “sets a dangerous precedent for all nations.”

In addition to sanctioning Akane, Rubio said the US would also be sanctioning ICC senior trial lawyer Abdoulaye Saye.

While Rubio did not mention what specific actions the ICC has taken to warrant such sanctions, a Tuesday report in The Guardian noted that Saye was charged with investigating war crimes allegedly committed by Israel during its years-long assault on Gaza.

The Trump administration had previously sanctioned then-ICC prosecutor Karim Khan—who obtained arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant—and an additional eight ICC officials.

The social media account of Drop Site News accused Rubio of attacking the court solely to protect Netanyahu from war crimes prosecution, pointing out that “there is currently not a single American citizen under indictment, investigation, or facing an arrest warrant” from the ICC.

The sanctions earned the praise of the Israeli American Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), which accused the ICC of conducting “politically motivated investigations and prosecutions targeting America and Israel.”

Rutgers Law School professor Adil Haque said the ICC sanctions showed the US was acting like a “rogue government” and engaged in “deranged behavior.”

Michael Karanicolas, law professor at Dalhousie University, didn’t just point fingers at the US over the sanctions, but at US allies who have sat back as international institutions have come under assault.

“I’m no longer surprised by the Trump administration’s efforts to destroy the ICC,” wrote Karanicolas. “What I keep waiting for is any response from Canada or the European governments who ostensibly still believe in international law to defend these institutions.”

War correspondent and international political analyst Elijah Magnier delivered a withering rebuke of Rubio’s announcement.

“When you are shameless, contemptuous of international law, and morally bankrupt,” wrote Magnier, “you boast of disgrace as though it were an achievement.”

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Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’ Considers Abandoning Original Hamas Disarmament Plan Due To Israeli Pushback

The board may rework the proposal to require full Hamas disarmament before any Israeli withdrawal

by Dave DeCamp | August 18, 2026 at 3:03 pm ET | Gaza, Israel

President Trump’s so-called “Board of Peace” is considering altering its framework for a Hamas disarmament deal due to pushback from Israel, The Times of Israel reported on Tuesday.

Under the initial plan announced by President Trump, Hamas would begin “decommissioning” its weapons in phases, which would correspond with Israeli withdrawals from certain areas where demilitarization is confirmed. But Israel has rejected the proposal and wants Hamas to hand over all of its weapons before any Israeli pullback.

People walk at a site destroyed during the Israeli offensive, in Beit Lahiya, in the northern Gaza Strip, August 18, 2026. REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa

A source told the Times that the Board of Peace is considering the changes, but the dispute over the deal’s terms was not settled during a meeting on Monday between President Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which ended with an agreement that Israel would continue strikes in Gaza.

The Board of Peace previously suggested it was making changes to the disarmament plan after an earlier meeting of its officials with Netanyahu on August 3. After those talks, the board said that the IDF would withdraw from Gaza only after Hamas disarmed, contradicting its previous statements that said the disarmament and withdrawal would happen “in lockstep.”

The report acknowledged that making the change to the disarmament framework would risk losing Hamas’s support, as the Palestinian group agreed to the US proposal after months of negotiations. Hamas also has no reason to trust that Israel would withdraw after it disarmed, since Israel has blatantly violated the October 2025 ceasefire deal with daily attacks.

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz has also said that the IDF won’t withdraw from Gaza, even if Hamas disarms, and that the ultimate goal was to establish Jewish settlements in the Palestinian territory.

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Tuesday, August 18, 2026

Report: Kushner-Netanyahu Meeting Ends With Agreement That Israel Will Keep Bombing Gaza

 by Dave DeCamp | August 17, 2026 at 3:09 pm ET | Gaza, Israel

A meeting between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and President Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, a long-time family friend of the Israeli leader, ended with an agreement that Israel will continue so-called “targeted strikes” in Gaza, Haaretz reported on Monday.

The reported agreement to allow Israel to continue attacks in Gaza comes despite Kushner holding a meeting a day earlier with Hamas officials, who said they were committed to the disarmament plan announced by President Trump and the so-called “Board of Peace.”

Later in the day, Kushner told Fox News that the US wouldn’t “restrict Israel’s right to defend itself” and that one purpose of the meeting was to “clarify what that means.” He also described the disarmament deal as a “win-win” for Israel because either Hamas disarms, or Hamas doesn’t “follow through” and then Israel would have “a lot more support from the US and others to go and finish the job.”

Also on Monday, President Trump said that Israel should “stop striking Gaza” because Hamas agreed to “lay down their weapons,” comments that Hamas welcomed, though the results of the Kushner-Netanyahu meeting suggest Trump isn’t serious about putting pressure on Israel to halt all of its attacks.

Kushner and Netanyahu were joined by the Board of Peace’s top Gaza envoy, Bulgarian politician Nikolay Mladenov, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee.

Kushner and Netanyahu speaking at the White House on September 29, 2025 (White House photo)

The Haaretz report said the officials agreed to allow work to begin in Gaza on sanitation infrastructure to prevent disease outbreaks and contamination of groundwater and coastal waters, but broader reconstruction will still not be allowed.

They also discussed a preliminary plan that would involve Hamas handing over its weapons to a force led by Jasper Jeffires, a US Army general who’s been designated as the commander of the “International Stabilization Force,” which is supposed to deploy to Gaza under President Trump’s plan.

But the Haaretz report said Israeli officials expressed skepticism about the disarmament plan, and Netanyahu and other Israeli officials have repeatedly rejected the overall proposal. An Israeli official told The Guardian that there had been no breakthrough in the meeting and that Israel would continue to carry out operations in Gaza.

Israel’s attacks in Gaza since the so-called ceasefire deal was signed in October 2025 have killed at least 1,265 Palestinians and wounded 4,198, according to the latest numbers released by Gaza’s Health Ministry. The ministry said that over the previous 48 hours, Israeli attacks have killed at least two Palestinians and injured 15.

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𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐠𝐡𝐜𝐡𝐢 𝐚𝐜𝐜𝐮𝐬𝐞𝐬 𝐈𝐬𝐫𝐚𝐞𝐥 𝐨𝐟 𝐬𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐭𝐚𝐠𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐔𝐒-𝐈𝐫𝐚𝐧 𝐜𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐞𝐟𝐢𝐫𝐞 𝐭𝐚𝐥𝐤𝐬

Dawn, 18 Aug 2026

Abbas Araghchi has accused Israel of actively sabotaging diplomacy, describing the country as the primary obstacle to a lasting ceasefire deal with the US, IRNA news agency reports.

“The Zionist regime was and remains the biggest opponent and obstacle to the implementation of the memorandum of understanding. They made every effort to prevent such an agreement from being reached, every effort to make this agreement fail, and every effort to prevent it from being implemented,” he said.

Araghchi added that Trump’s demand for an “unconditional surrender” from Iran failed to materialise, as Tehran ultimately accepted a ceasefire and conducted negotiations with the US on its own terms.

According to the report, Araghchi said those who “sought an unconditional surrender, within a short time of the war’s commencement, were begging for negotiations”.

“It was us who said we would not accept a ceasefire and continued the war until we reached a point where they accepted a ceasefire and negotiations on Iran’s terms,” he said.

Monday, August 17, 2026

‘They’re Not Even People’: Ben Gvir Says Israel Should Kill 30-40 Palestinians in Gaza Every Night

 The Israeli minister also said he believes ‘all of Gaza’ belongs to Israel

by Dave DeCamp,Antiwar. com, August 16, 2026

Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir has called for Israel to kill 30 to 40 Palestinians every night in Gaza and said there are people in the Strip “who are not worthy of life.”

Ben Gvir made the comments when discussing the reduction in Israeli attacks in Gaza, though the IDF hasn’t fully stopped its strikes and continues to violate the US-backed October 2025 ceasefire deal.

“It’s no secret, I disagree with the prime minister,” Ben Gvir said on a podcast hosted by Rom Braslavski, who was previously held captive in Gaza, according to The Associated Press.

Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir joins pro-settlement Israelis on a march towards the Gaza Strip near Kibbutz Zikim and Israel’s border with Gaza, in southern Israel, July 19, 2026. REUTERS/Amir Cohen

“I think targeted assassinations should be carried out in Gaza, taking down 30 to 40 every night. Not just those who pose an immediate threat — there are people there who are not worthy of life. They shouldn’t live. They’re not even people,” he added.

Ben Gvir, leader of the Jewish Power party, is known as an outspoken proponent of the ethnic cleansing of Gaza and the establishment of Jewish settlements in the Palestinian territory, views that he reaffirmed in the podcast interview.

“I see all of Gaza as ours,” he said. “Settlements not just in Gush Katif but throughout Gaza, encouraging as much emigration as possible, sending them to their countries, and for the terrorists, no emigration, nothing, just to kill them one by one.”

While often portrayed as a fringe figure, Ben Gvir has significant influence in the government and holds a powerful position, as he oversees police and prisons, where nearly 100 Palestinians have died since October 7, 2026, due to increasingly worse conditions, which Ben Gvir has boasted about implementing. He is now pushing a plan to create crocodile-filled moats around Israeli prisons.

Sunday, August 16, 2026

Germany has chosen Israel over international law

 


Jurgen Mackert

MEE, 16 August 2026

The state’s commitment to the murderous Netanyahu regime outstrips its dedication to preserving democracy at home

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz are pictured in Jerusalem on 7 December 2025 (Ariel Schalit/AFP)

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz are pictured in Jerusalem on 7 December 2025 (Ariel Schalit/AFP)

Two events in Germany last month shed light on the country’s stance on international law and its own democracy.

On 20 July, the anniversary of a failed assassination attempt on Adolf Hitler, new German recruits were sworn in at the Bendlerblock, which housed army headquarters during the Nazi period and was simultaneously the centre of a resistance group led by Claus Schenk Graf von Stauffenberg, whose members were executed at the site after their failed coup.

In recent years, during speeches at the ceremonies for new recruits, top German government officials have praised democracy and emphasised the importance of the rule of law for world peace and freedom. Yet praising the rule of law and taking it seriously are not the same thing.

This year, recruits heard from German intellectual Navid Kermani, one of the few public figures permitted to appeal to the conscience of the country’s political elite at public events.

Far from taking a radical position, he said: “None other than the German chancellor has made a habit of downplaying international law and glossing over violations of it whenever it seems politically expedient… But the threat to wipe out an entire civilisation, or the declared attack on a country’s civilian infrastructure, are such blatant injustices that one need not be a lawyer or consult one’s own conscience to recognise them.” 

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That is undoubtedly true: German Chancellor Friedrich Merz does not appear to care one bit about international law, which the country has committed to upholding as a lesson learned from its Nazi past. 

Even before taking office, he declared that he would find ways to invite Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who was then already facing an International Criminal Court arrest warrant, to Germany – regardless of the obligation under international law to execute that warrant, should Netanyahu set foot on German soil.

This did not merely display a flagrant disregard for international law and its institutions. It revealed the chancellor’s readiness to dismantle the very foundations of democracy – the separation of powers – in order to welcome the butcher of the Palestinian people.

‘Disastrous signal’

Kermani also hinted at the nexus of external and internal developments with regard to the Iran war: “When, of all people, a German chancellor – the only western leader to do so – defends the American president’s threat to wipe out an entire civilisation, it is devastating not only for our reputation… The trivialisation of international law from the highest levels also sends a disastrous signal for our democracy. 

“For if the rule of law erodes in our foreign relations, it won’t be long before it is also discredited at home.” 

On 24 July, German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul joined this unworthy spectacle when asked in an interview on a local satirical show: “Does international law, as admirable as it is, also come up against the limits of realpolitik?”

The minister answered: “Yes, if you’re honest, yes. That’s true. But to be honest: that’s how legal systems work. Think about yourself when you’re driving – have you always followed the rules 100 percent of the time?… The law says that when you’re driving in a built-up area, you’re only allowed to go 50. Still, some people drive faster.”

Had he mentioned Palestine, even Kermani would likely have fallen victim to the guillotine of silencing

He continued: “And it’s the same with international law. It’s basically the same thing. You have to deal with it. Legal systems are there to provide guidance. But they’re never followed 100 percent to the letter.” 

The minister was serious, without the slightest hint of satire.

Equating international law with everyday traffic rules is, of course, a shocking trivialisation and denigration of it – though, given Germany’s silence on the annihilation of more than 70,000 Palestinians by Germany’s Israeli ally in Gaza, this comes as no surprise.

What once was a significant achievement in the wake of Nazism is now, for the German chancellor and his foreign minister, nothing more than a commodity to be exploited for their own self-interest. International law has become a pawn in the hands of neoliberal western hubris.

In contrast, Kermani can see the situation clearly, and is firm in his stance against the US threat to send Iran “back to the Stone Ages where they belong”. 

As he spoke this truth in the face of a US president who has openly mulled destroying a civilisation dating back millennia, and a German chancellor who has failed to take a stand against such horrors, observers noted the pained expression on the face of German Defence Minister Boris Pistorius, who was sitting behind Kermani and had presumably expected a somewhat different speech. 

Shameful complicity

But despite Kermani’s bold move to hold up a mirror to the German government at this highly symbolic event, his analysis was wrong in two respects: Iran is not the litmus test for Germany’s international standing, nor do we need to fear a future de-democratisation at home. It is already well underway.

The litmus test for Germany’s international reputation was, and still is, its shameful complicity in several ongoing crises: the genocide in Palestine, the spate of settler terrorism in the occupied West Bank, and the Zionist garrison state’s “total war” on Lebanon.

Germany’s UN defeat is a verdict on its complicity in genocide

Read More »

Berlin’s backing for Israel in the current context has irrevocably ruined Germany’s international standing.

At the same time, as a result of Germany’s neoliberal restructuring, processes of de-democratisation have been ongoing for years.

The deliberate erosion of democracy has paved the way not only for the selective application of international law, but also for the restriction of fundamental rights within Germany itself.

The German population is firmly against their country’s participation in the extermination of the Palestinian people. In a recent poll, 73 percent said they had a negative view of Israel, while 80 percent have rejected further weapons exports to Israel. Despite this, German arms export licenses to Israel have surged, enabling the state to continue committing war crimes. 

While the German government’s blatant disregard for the will of its own people already points to a process of de-democratisation, this is exacerbated by domestic restrictions on fundamental rights, including freedom of assembly, freedom of opinion and speech, and academic freedom, alongside violations of due process – all in the service of the Zionist slaughterers. 

Silence is supposed to reign in Germany. People are not supposed to know what the state is enabling the Zionists to do in Palestine, nor that Israel’s ideology of white supremacy draws a deeper commitment from Berlin than international law.

Had he mentioned Palestine, even Kermani would likely have fallen victim to the guillotine of silencing.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Jurgen Mackert is Professor of Sociology at the University of Potsdam, Germany. He was a temporary Professor for the Structure of modern societies at the University of Erfurt, Germany and a visiting professor for Political Sociology at Humboldt University Berlin. His latest books include On Social Closure. Theorizing Exclusion, Exploitation, and Elimination (Oxford University Press 2024). Siedlerkolonialismus. Grundlagentexte und aktuelle Analysen (edited with Ilan Pappe; Nomos 2024).

Saturday, August 15, 2026

Netanyahu rejects Trump’s Gaza plan, pursues Greater Israel agenda

Jean Shaoul, WSWS, 14 Aug 2026

Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has categorically rejected the US disarmament roadmap for Gaza that President Donald Trump described as “HISTORIC” and “monumental”.

Insisting that Israel will not withdraw its armed forces until Hamas has completely disarmed, Netanyahu made clear that the future he envisages for Gaza remains one emptied of its Palestinian citizens through ethnic cleansing.

The Israeli military’s three-year-long campaign has killed more than 73,300 Palestinians, at least two thirds of whom were women and children, while an untold number have died from disease, malnutrition and lack of medical treatment. Much of the 2.3 million population has been rendered homeless.

Israel has transformed Gaza into a wasteland, destroying agricultural land, water purification facilities, local markets, communal food pantries, municipal infrastructure, roads, hospitals, mosques, schools, universities and the social infrastructure on which modern life depends. The remaining population has been made almost entirely dependent on an aid infrastructure that Israel can turn on and off at will to terrorise the Palestinians into submission.

President Donald Trump listens as Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during an arrival at his Mar-a-Lago club, December 29, 2025, in Palm Beach, Florida. [AP Photo/Alex Brandon]

Trump’s plan for Gaza, signed amid much fanfare at Sharm el-Sheikh in October 2025, was never more than the official endorsement by Washington and its European and Middle Eastern allies of an Israeli policy already in operation—but with the US, not Israel, reaping the economic rewards of the development of land seized. The arrangement would be partially managed by some coalition of Arab powers to give it a more acceptable face. 

This was a potentially lucrative prize. The 40-kilometer Gaza coastline is estimated to have a $50 billion real estate and tourism potential and to offer control of billions more in offshore natural gas reserves. The scheme’s broader purpose was to facilitate wider regional cooperation in the coming US-Israel war on Iran by reducing the visibility of Israel’s increasingly unpopular war among the restive populations of Washington’s despotic allies.

Israel’s subsequent actions made clear that it never intended to accept a genuine withdrawal, or external interference with its plans to control Gaza. In December, Defence Minister Israel Katz declared that Israel “will never leave all of Gaza”.

This position is endorsed by the cabinet and shared by much of the political opposition. Gadi Eisenkot, a former military chief of staff and Netanyahu’s principal challenger for the premiership, served in Netanyahu’s cabinet during the first eight months of the war and supported the wars in Lebanon and Iran; he too opposes Trump’s Board of Peace deal.

Far from implementing the Sharm el-Sheikh agreement, Israel has continued almost daily attacks across Gaza, killing 1,300 Palestinians, while expanding its territorial control from the 53 percent sanctioned under the agreement to more than 70 percent.

The same strategy is being pursued in the West Bank. Israel has presided over an expansion of Jewish settlements and escalating settler violence against Palestinians and their property, carried out with the support of the Israel Defence Forces (IDF). The most recent provocation began on Sunday, when settlers, who operate with near total impunity, blocked the road to the homes of Palestinian families—including some who held US citizenship—in Qusra, in Nablus province, and cut off their power and water supplies. 

The first Israeli soldiers who came to the site solidarized with the settlers and prayed with them. On Wednesday, Israeli security forces confronted a much larger group of settlers, using tear gas and stun grenades in an attempt to dislodge them. Last month, settlers set fire to a newly completed mosque.

These provocations are bound up with a policy of de facto annexation led by far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who has channelled ever more public money into the settlements. Smotrich has declared that the next Israeli government should push Palestinians to flee the area. He and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir have also called for expanding Israeli borders and establishing an Israeli military or civilian presence in parts of Lebanon and Syria.

The consequences of this Greater Israel offensive are stark. According to the UN, Israeli forces and settlers have killed 76 Palestinians, including 18 children, in the West Bank this year, while settler violence, demolitions and evictions have displaced around 3,800 Palestinians, nearly half of them children.

US ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee condemned the settlers as “criminal” in a rare rebuke from a US official. But while the White House is reportedly furious at the government’s failure to rein in the rampant settler violence, Trump has so far remained publicly silent. 

The events follow weeks of increasingly frosty relations over disagreements about the war in Iran. Netanyahu had hoped his meeting with Trump at the White House last month would allow him to bolster his election chances by parading his close relationship with the leader of the world’s most powerful country. Instead, the low-profile meeting ended without a joint statement to the media, with Netanyahu leaving through a side door.

Trump’s proposal on Gaza was always likely to collide with Netanyahu’s strategy. On July 30, his Board of Peace unveiled a plan for the second phase of the Gaza agreement, based on a phased reciprocal process in which Hamas would surrender its weapons as Israel withdrew from Gaza. Hamas would hand over its weapons for storage under a US-backed Palestinian technocratic administration supervised by the Board of Peace. Hamas accepted the arrangement following pressure from Qatar, Turkey and Egypt.

But an Israeli withdrawal is precisely what Netanyahu cannot accept. He immediately authorised a wave of airstrikes that killed 18 people, one of the deadliest days since the supposed October ceasefire. The apparent aim was to provoke a militant response from Hamas that could then be used to justify a return to full-scale war.

Three days after Trump’s announcement, following a “difficult” meeting with Netanyahu in Jerusalem, the Board of Peace issued a “clarification” requiring Hamas to complete its disarmament before Israel withdrew. Even this concession was insufficient. On Sunday, August 9, facing mounting opposition from far-right cabinet ministers who want to expel Palestinians from Gaza and establish Israeli settlements there, Netanyahu publicly rejected the plan.

He told his cabinet: “Israel rejects the 15-point document.” The Israel Defense Forces, he said, “will not carry out any withdrawal until Hamas is disarmed”, which meant the surrender of “all weapons”. He reiterated that no Palestinian state would arise while he remained prime minister.

Accepting Trump’s Gaza proposal would have exposed Netanyahu’s long-promised “total victory” over Hamas and the Palestinians of Gaza as a fiction, while enraging the far-right coalition partners on whom he depends to remain in power after the October 27 elections. His Likud bloc is trailing in the polls and his long-running corruption trial is at a critical point. 

Netanyahu’s position points to a strategy of permanent war—not only against the Palestinians, but against Hezbollah in Lebanon, Syria and Iran. His statement follows Israel’s de facto rejection of a US-brokered Lebanon ceasefire and support for the continuation of the US-led war against Iran.

Israel’s relentless war flows from the logic of the Zionist state, founded on the expulsion and dispossession of 750,000 Palestinians in 1948 and the refusal to allow them or their descendants to return to their homes. This established a political order dependent upon permanent confrontation with its neighbours.

The Israeli state has consequently built much of its political identity around the narrative of a permanent existential threat. Any form of accommodation between Washington and Tehran, however partial or temporary, would fundamentally undermine that narrative. 

Iran’s support for Hezbollah and Hamas has made it a major obstacle to Israel’s regional ambitions, while removing Iran as a regional power would facilitate Israel’s attempt to complete the dispossession of the Palestinians and establish unchallenged regional hegemony—described by Netanyahu as “redrawing the map of the Middle East”. The Iranian threat has also provided successive Israeli governments with a means of diverting attention from domestic crises, deteriorating economic and social conditions and deep political polarisation.

Israel has been able to pursue this strategy because it can ultimately rely on Washington, which provides it with $3.8 billion a year in military aid and treats it as its principal regional proxy. What unites them, despite repeated clashes, is a shared class interest in crushing any Palestinian, Arab nationalist, Iranian or working-class challenge to their domination of the world’s most strategically vital, oil-rich region—a domination that Washington regards as essential to preparing for confrontation with China.

There have been periodic tensions before between Tel Aviv and Washington, as over the 2015 nuclear deal and now Gaza and the West Bank. But these are tactical disputes within a fundamentally aligned imperialist relationship.