Monday, April 06, 2026

Trump’s threats to destroy Iran and the breakdown of American democracy

Andre Damon@Andre__Damon, 6 April 2026

On Sunday, US President Donald Trump issued a profanity-laced rant on Truth Social vowing to destroy Iran’s civilian infrastructure in a series of war crimes.

“Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran. There will be nothing like it!!! Open the F****n’ Strait, you crazy b******s, or you’ll be living in Hell – JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah.”

A day earlier, Trump wrote: “Time is running out — 48 hours before all Hell will reign down on them. Glory be to GOD!” Trump told Fox News Sunday morning: “If they don’t make a deal and fast, I’m considering blowing everything up and taking over the oil.”

The invocation of Allah—the name for God used by Muslims—in a message on Easter Sunday threatening to send the population of a predominantly Muslim country to “Hell” is an overtly Christian fascist statement, giving the war the coloration of a crusade.

The president of the United States is threatening to destroy the power grid and bridges of Iran, eliminating the basis of civilized life for 90 million people. These are statements of total criminality, within the framework of an illegal war of aggression.

Trump operates completely outside the framework of international law, of democratic conventions and basic legality. His statements and actions are a testament to the total breakdown of American democracy under the pressure of extreme inequality, endless war and spiraling social, economic and political crisis.

The overwhelming majority of the American population is disgusted by and opposes Trump’s illegal war against the people of Iran. They rightly see him as a criminal and a gangster.

But this raises the question: How, amid overwhelming popular opposition, after millions marched against the government on March 28, can this gangster regime remain in power?

The answer lies in the character of the nominal political opposition. The Democratic Party’s response to Trump’s statements has focused on the president’s personality and mental state. “These are the ravings of a dangerous and mentally unbalanced individual,” Senator Bernie Sanders wrote Sunday. Senator Chris Murphy called Trump’s remarks “completely, utterly unhinged.” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said Trump is “ranting like an unhinged madman on social media” and threatening “war crimes.”

Trump’s statements are indeed both criminal and insane. But the Democrats’ response is characterized by political impotence. Five weeks into the war, no congressional committee has held a public hearing. No resolution condemning the war has been brought to a vote. No investigation has been opened.

Despite admitting that Trump is both a criminal and mentally unfit, the Democrats have categorically ruled out impeachment. House Democratic Caucus Chairman Pete Aguilar told Punchbowl News on March 26: “Literally no Democrats are talking about [impeachment]. This is not something that comes up in our discussions at all.” Representative Susie Lee said, “We have bigger priorities to focus on.”

Representative Maxine Waters said on March 4, “I think when we take control of the House we will consider” impeaching Trump.

The Democrats have not only effectively ruled out impeaching Trump, they have enabled him. They voted for the $839 billion defense budget that funds the war. Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez echoed the Trump administration’s claims that the Iranian government had killed tens of thousands of protesters, backing a regime change operation that, as Trump admitted on Fox News Sunday, was armed by the US government. “We sent guns to the protesters, a lot of them,” Trump said.

The Democrats’ response is determined by (1) the fact that whatever their tactical differences with Trump, they are a party of Wall Street and the CIA and support the strategic aim of US imperialist domination of the Middle East, and (2) they are terrified by the growth of popular opposition from below.

A genuine popular mobilization would not stop at the war. It would raise the distribution of wealth, the power of the financial oligarchy, and the entire social order both parties exist to defend. This is why, during the “No Kings” protests against Trump, the Democrats and their political affiliates deliberately downplayed the war against Iran, though this was in fact the central issue.

The rise of Trump to the heights of American politics is a reflection of the historical bankruptcy of the entire social and political order. Trump is, as World Socialist Web Site International Editorial Board Chairman David North wrote April 2, an embodiment of a criminal underworld that has come to power. His language expresses “the essential character of a social layer that has become habituated to criminality and no longer feels compelled to apologize for it.”

This oligarchy has amassed its wealth not through productive labor, but through fraud, speculation and theft. Its social physiognomy is epitomized by the Epstein scandal, which exposed—if only in part—the integration of high finance, state power and sexual blackmail in the operations of the American ruling class. The same networks of privilege, corruption and impunity that surrounded Epstein uphold a political system in which criminality is not an aberration, but a method of rule.

Trump did not arise out of nowhere. He articulates, in unvarnished form, a broader ruling class policy. His genocidal threats mark a new stage in a decades-long escalation of US imperialist criminality: Bush’s invasion of Iraq on fabricated pretexts; Obama’s global drone assassination program conducted outside democratic or legal restraint; Biden’s arming and funding of Israel’s genocide in Gaza.

The same ruling class is waging all-out war on the working class at home. On Wednesday, Trump told a White House Easter lunch audience that the government could not afford daycare, Medicaid, Medicare or Social Security because it needed the money to wage war. He called these vital programs on which tens of millions depend “little scams,” and said the federal government had one job: “military protection.” His proposed budget requests $1.5 trillion for the Pentagon—a 44 percent increase—paid for by gutting domestic spending.

Again, the Democrats oppose any popular mobilization because a movement from below would immediately raise these broader issues. Trump’s profanity-laced threats to obliterate Iran’s civilian infrastructure expose more than his personal depravity. They reveal the breakdown of democratic institutions themselves. There is no mechanism within the existing political institutions to seriously oppose him, and the regime has declared it will not accept any constraints on its actions.

Opposition cannot be entrusted to the Democratic Party. It must be developed as a class movement. Workers and young people must organize independently—in workplaces, across industries and across borders—against the war, against the destruction of social programs, and against the capitalist system that produces war, dictatorship and social inequality.

 

US War Machine Is Built on Decades of Lies. The Assault on Iran Is No Exception.


Trump’s endless falsehoods about the Iran war build on a long history of US military mythmaking.

By Scott Kurashige , Truthout Published April 5, 2026

 

A memorial for the victims of the Shajareh Tayyebeh primary school bombing is on display on March 28, 2026, in Tehran, Iran.

Truthout is a vital news source and a living history of political struggle. If you think our work is valuable, support us with a donation of any size.

The first casualty of war is the truth.

This truism — understandably repeated at the outset of each new U.S. war — is proving itself once again.

With all evidence pointing toward U.S. responsibility for the February 28 bombing of Shajarah Tayyebeh elementary school, President Trump claimed that the attack “was done by Iran.” In spreading this blatant misinformation, Trump was not in fact shattering presidential norms — rather, he was continuing a White House tradition.

Back in 1945, in a public statement announcing the U.S.’s atomic bomb strike on Japan, President Harry Truman falsely described the city of Hiroshima as “an important Japanese Army base.” In fact, the overwhelming majority of those killed were civilians. The bomb targeted thousands of schoolchildren, including nearly 6,000 who died as part of a service patrol near the center of Hiroshima. In Nagasaki, more than 1,400 students and teachers at Shiroyama Elementary School were killed.

But like most students attending U.S. schools after World War II, I was taught that dropping the atomic bombs saved lives.

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Trump’s Iran War May Mark the Beginning of the End for Dollar-Backed US Empire

Radical economist Costas Lapavitsas discusses the crumbling of the dollar-backed world system and what could be next. By C.J. Polychroniou , Truthout

March 25, 2026

Long before George W. Bush asserted that Saddam Hussein had WMDs, dubious claims and outright lies served as pretexts for the U.S. to launch major wars. A jingoistic fervor following an explosion on the battleship USS Maine prompted the Spanish-American War in 1898. In 1964, LBJ cited a “phantom battle” to push the Tonkin Gulf Resolution authorizing military intervention in Vietnam.

Trump stands out mostly because he made little effort to sell his lies before going to war. In his prime-time address on April 1, 2026, he retroactively offered his first attempt to justify the war, claiming without evidence that Obama’s nuclear deal made Iran a greater threat and that Iran was on the cusp of aiming missiles at “the American homeland.”

Long before George W. Bush asserted that Saddam Hussein had WMDs, dubious claims and outright lies served as pretexts for the U.S. to launch major wars.

Calling truth a casualty of war may imply, however, that truth survives between wars. But the reality is that militarism and the warfare state are sustained by lies which stretch over decades. The ideology of American exceptionalism is driven by the myth that U.S. intervention plays a unique role in spreading freedom and democracy around the globe. Keeping the public uninformed and miseducated has been a key tactic to tamp down dissent.

The most common and continuous form these lies take is omission, erasing the pattern of U.S. war crimes from military records, history textbooks, and public memory. This record of erasure has proven so effective that many of those speaking out against war crimes do not seem to understand the degree to which they, too, have been miseducated. Chastising the Trump administration’s response to the school bombing, The New York Times’s David Wallace-Wells recoiled at the notion of a mass civilian massacre being “treated by U.S. officials as the normal cost of waging war.”

That civilian massacres have been a regular feature of warfare under Democratic and Republican administrations throughout U.S. history has apparently been lost on Wallace-Wells and countless others. Racism and xenophobia play a crucial role in this erasure, as they are used to rally support for war while devaluing the millions of nonwhite lives lost in pursuit of U.S. interests. As General William Westmoreland said bluntly during the Vietnam War, “The Oriental doesn’t put the same high price on life as does a Westerner.”

In this way, war-related lies have been integral to the formation of our national identity.

Trump stands out mostly because he made little effort to sell his lies before going to war.

This is particularly true for the series of wars stretching across East, Central, and West Asia since the late 19th century that I researched for my book, American Peril: The Violent History of Anti-Asian Racism. Rudyard Kipling’s invocation of “the white man’s burden” in his 1899 call for the U.S. to colonize the Philippines was unmistakably racist. But in its time, it was meant to be instructive: Waging the “savage wars of peace” required Americans to shed their “childish” innocence and embrace the brutish nature of imperial power.

The message was sadly taken to heart by U.S. troops in the Philippines, where lynching, torture, concentration camps, and mass murder became all too common. Some atrocities continued long after the U.S. declared an end to combat. In 1906, American troops on Jolo Island in the southern Philippines killed 1,000 Moro people in what the U.S. recorded as a great military victory over Muslim fanatics in the “Battle of Bud Dajo.” Recounted by historian Kim A. Wagner, it was a horrific massacre, whose victims included women and children, as well as outgunned or unarmed men attempting to surrender.

Regarding the firebombing of Tokyo during World War II, Robert McNamara admitted, “In that single night, we burned to death 100,000 Japanese civilians in Tokyo: men, women, and children.” After WWII, McNamara served as secretary of defense, overseeing the escalation of the Vietnam War that resulted in over 3 million deaths. The My Lai massacre, which was marked by wanton slaughter and sexual assault — was initially recorded as a successful defeat of “enemy” combatants in March 1968, but more accurate news about it finally broke through decades of silence on U.S. war crimes. Most Americans quickly bracketed it off, a horrific exception rather than the culmination of a pattern.

But My Lai was a near replay of tragedies from the Korean War that the U.S. military systematically covered up. South Koreans had long memorialized the hundreds of unarmed and defenseless civilians, from babies to elders, massacred by U.S. soldiers at No Gun Ri. It was only brought to the attention of the U.S. public, however, by a Pulitzer Prize-winning team of Associated Press reporters nearly a half-century later. Even today, mainstream histories largely ignore U.S. military involvement in the brutal partition and occupation of Korea.

And My Lai was far from the only civilian massacre in Vietnam. Indeed, on the same day, dozens of Vietnamese civilians in My Khe were killed by U.S. troops. American soldiers commonly used the most vile, racist epithets and dehumanizing stereotypes to characterize Vietnamese people — both combatants and civilians, friends and foes alike. “Murder, torture, rape, abuse, forced displacement, home burnings, specious arrests, [and] imprisonment without due process,” as author Nick Turse documented in Kill Anything That Moves, “were virtually a daily fact of life” for Vietnamese people.

The most common and continuous form these lies take is omission, erasing the pattern of U.S. war crimes from military records, history textbooks, and public memory.

Although the U.S. defeat in Vietnam caused veterans like Colin Powell to adopt a more protective approach to the deployment of U.S. troops, the pattern of civilian massacres continued. On February 13, 1991, over 400 Iraqi civilians taking refuge in a shelter were killed in Amiriyah by two laser-guided “smart bombs” in the U.S.-led war on Iraq. Though in this case U.S. officials did acknowledge the civilian deaths, they were largely dismissed as “collateral damage” from a strike on a military target.

Amnesty International investigated 10 incidents involving at least 140 civilians, including at least 50 children, killed in the U.S.-led war on Afghanistan, for which there were no war crimes prosecutions of any kind. Retired Lieutenant General Douglas Lute, the former deputy national security advisor, acknowledged, “We virtually never held anyone accountable for civilian casualties.”

Whether actively or passively, our culture — just as it fails to value all American lives equally — has internalized the lies that elevate the value of American lives far above those who look like the enemy.

None of this is meant to imply that the U.S. always targets civilians deliberately or to deny that America’s enemies have committed atrocious crimes against humanity. Lies and dehumanization are a common tactic that all parties use in war. But with America’s unrivaled post-WWII military and economic superpower has come the concordant privilege to act with impunity, to disregard what the rest of the world thinks of us, and to dismiss the suffering of others.

Civilian massacres have been a regular feature of warfare under Democratic and Republican administrations throughout U.S. history.

When the Tokyo Trials were set up after World War II to prosecute Japanese war crimes, the U.S. ensured that the conduct of its military was barred from review, setting in motion a chain of disregard for equitable governance under international law. Since 2002, the U.S. has failed to endorse the International Criminal Court. The Trump administration has gone much further, attacking and placing sanctions on its judges, while waging war on Iran with Israel as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is wanted for arrest by the ICC for war crimes in Gaza.

The incremental steps our own government has taken have been rapidly reversed, as well. Pete Hegseth, the Fox News host turned self-proclaimed “Secretary of War,” bombastically declared that “We negotiate with bombs,” while expressing disdain for “stupid rules of engagement.” Signaling this intent last year, he dismantled Pentagon programs intended to mitigate civilian harm. Such actions complement the misinformation campaign to eliminate “controversial” and “unpatriotic” topics from our public schools and national monuments.

But as the latest wrongheaded war reveals another layer of the United States’s limitations and declining power, those imperial privileges are waning. Trump’s threat to obliterate Iran’s civilian infrastructure should be opposed because it is a war crime in the making against innocent people and because such attacks could boomerang into a global economic meltdown, intensifying suffering at home and abroad.

Holding the individuals responsible for these decisions accountable — at the ballot box and under international law — is just the first step that people in the U.S. can take to become responsible citizens of a global community and stop the next atrocities before they occur. But we cannot wait for change to come from those at the top.

Historian Judy Tzu-Chun Wu has chronicled the diverse U.S. activists who built transnational and multiracial solidarity through travels to Vietnam while it was under siege from the U.S. Since the 1990s, the International Women’s Network Against Militarism has brought U.S. educators, artists, and activists together with women in many of the places most impacted by war and the negative effects of permanent overseas U.S bases. Their multifaceted efforts to overcome militarism advance a decolonial model of solidarity crossing Asia, the Pacific Islands, and the Caribbean.

More recently, the humanitarian aid flotillas acting to alleviate starvation and death in Gaza and Cuba owing to Israel’s and the U.S.’s respective illegal blockades serve as important examples of the people-to-people relations necessary to break the chain of the lies that have torn us apart for too long. Reckoning with the legacy of empire ultimately requires a level of awareness that can best be achieved through these forms of solidarity from below.

 

Sunday, April 05, 2026

Trump’s Divine War: How Christian Nationalists Are Running U.S. Policy in ISran and at Home

 ScheerPost, April 3, 2026

ScheerPost Staff

As the Trump administration deepens U.S. military involvement in Iran alongside Israel, a new The Intercept briefing examines a dimension of the conflict often overlooked in mainstream war coverage: the growing influence of Christian nationalist ideology inside American foreign policy. In this episode, investigative journalist Sarah Posner joins host Jessica Washington to unpack how apocalyptic theology, evangelical political networks, and religious-right power structures are shaping decisions from the Pentagon to the campaign trail.

At the center of the discussion is Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whose public prayers for “overwhelming violence” and rhetoric about divine mission reveal how sections of the modern Christian right increasingly frame military conflict not simply as geopolitics, but as spiritual warfare. Posner argues that this worldview goes beyond symbolic religious language: it reflects a deeper ideological belief that biblical authority supersedes international law, civilian protections, and traditional diplomatic constraints.

The conversation also traces the role of influential evangelical figures such as John Hagee, whose decades-long advocacy for confrontation with Iran ties directly into end-times prophecy and Christian Zionist doctrine. Far from fringe theology, these ideas continue to shape large sections of Trump’s political base, reinforcing a foreign policy culture where war, prophecy, and domestic nationalism increasingly intersect.

Beyond Iran, the episode links these religious currents to broader domestic agendas—from anti-LGBTQ legislation to voting restrictions and immigration policy—showing how the same ideological infrastructure behind foreign intervention is also driving a wider effort to redefine American law, citizenship, and family life. The result is a portrait of a political movement that sees no separation between spiritual destiny, military power, and state authority.

What began as another presidential justification for war has rapidly opened a broader debate about the forces driving American power abroad. In its latest briefing, The Intercept turns attention away from battlefield headlines and toward a political current that has long operated beneath the surface of U.S. foreign policy: the growing fusion of Christian nationalist ideology, apocalyptic belief, and state power inside the second Donald Trump administration.

The episode arrives as Washington’s military partnership with Israel in its confrontation with Iran enters a more dangerous phase, with rising oil instability, domestic political backlash, and widening fractures inside both major parties. Yet the discussion presented by host Jessica Washington and investigative journalist Sarah Posner argues that strategic calculations alone do not explain the intensity of current rhetoric coming from senior U.S. officials. Instead, they suggest that parts of the administration increasingly frame war through a theological lens—one in which military action is not only justified politically, but sanctified spiritually.

That argument becomes most visible in the conduct of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whose recent public prayer at the Pentagon asking for “overwhelming violence” against enemies drew renewed scrutiny. For Posner, the significance lies not merely in religious language but in the specific worldview behind it. Hegseth’s association with the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches reflects a current of Christian Reconstructionism that views biblical authority as the supreme legal framework governing both personal and public life. Under that framework, war can become more than a strategic instrument—it becomes part of a divine obligation to defend and expand what adherents see as a Christian nation.

The discussion carefully distinguishes this ideological current from more familiar evangelical support for Israel. Figures such as John Hagee, founder of Christians United for Israel, have spent decades promoting confrontation with Iran through a different theological narrative: one rooted in end-times prophecy, biblical signs, and the expectation that conflict in the Middle East may accelerate events leading to the return of Jesus. While Hegseth’s rhetoric reflects dominionist ideas about establishing God’s authority through state power, Hagee’s message speaks to a broader evangelical audience that sees Israel’s wars through prophetic fulfillment.

What makes the moment politically significant is that these belief systems are no longer confined to pulpits, television ministries, or religious conferences. According to Posner, they now intersect directly with executive power, military messaging, and legislative agendas. Trump’s long alliance with white evangelical leadership has often been described by mainstream media as transactional—religious conservatives deliver votes, and Trump delivers judges. But the interview argues that the relationship has matured into something far deeper: an ideological partnership in which both sides reinforce one another’s vision of national restoration, civilizational conflict, and cultural authority.

That framework also helps explain why debates over Iran cannot be separated from domestic policy. The same religious infrastructure influencing foreign policy is also deeply involved in campaigns against abortion rights, transgender rights, immigration protections, and secular legal norms. Posner points to new policy blueprints emerging from The Heritage Foundation, where “natural family” doctrine and anti-LGBTQ language form part of a broader project to reorder public life according to conservative Christian definitions of family, gender, and citizenship.

The conversation also highlights an important tension emerging inside Trump’s own coalition. While evangelical support for Israel remains strong, some Catholic and nationalist figures on the populist right have begun openly questioning Israeli influence in American politics and criticizing the war with Iran. Yet even this fracture is unstable. Posner notes that some of the loudest anti-war voices on the far right often blend legitimate foreign policy criticism with conspiratorial or openly antisemitic narratives, creating a volatile ideological split rather than a coherent anti-interventionist bloc.

Underlying all of this is a warning about infrastructure. The Christian right’s political power, Posner argues, was not built overnight and does not operate election to election. Over decades, it developed legal institutions, media ecosystems, activist training networks, educational pipelines, and political organizations capable of shaping courts, legislation, and public discourse across generations. From judicial appointments to school boards to foreign policy framing, the movement works through a layered system designed for permanence rather than short-term victory.

In that sense, the Iran war becomes more than a foreign crisis. It becomes another window into how religious nationalism increasingly shapes the language of American power—where military force, prophecy, electoral politics, and cultural conflict are no longer separate debates but parts of a single ideological project.

For more from the Intercept Trump’s Holy War Abroad and at Home

Journalist Sarah Posner on how the Christian right’s end times views are shaping U.S. foreign and domestic policies.

or listen to the full interview https://embed.acast.com/f5b64019-68c3-57d4-b70b-043e63e5cbf6/69ceea2b3a785fb94ba1ded6

Please share this story and help us grow our network!

Saturday, April 04, 2026

Iran Reportedly Shoots Down US Planes With Air Defense Trump Said Was ‘Annihilated’ Two Days Ago

 

Missiles And Drones In Anniversary Of Islamic Revolution

Iranians gather around anti-aircraft missiles while participating in a rally commemorating the 47th anniversary of the Islamic Revolution’s victory in Azadi Square in western Tehran on February 11, 2026.

(Photo by Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

“They have no anti-aircraft equipment,” Trump told the nation. Two days later, a pair of US planes and a helicopter were hit.

Stephen Prager, Common Dreams, Apr 03, 2026

Two days after President Donald Trump declared that Iran was “no longer a threat” and that its air defense had been “annihilated,” Iranian forces reportedly struck down two US jets on Friday.

Citing an Israeli official and a second source with knowledge of the situation, Axios reported on Friday afternoon that the two crew members piloting the F-15E Strike Eagle jet were struck by Iranian fire and ejected from the plane.

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It is the first known time a manned US aircraft has been shot down over Iranian territory since the US and Israel launched the war on February 28.

One of the crew members has been rescued by US special forces, though according to The Washington Post, his condition is not known. The second has not been found, and an intensive operation is reportedly underway to locate him in Iran.

The Intercept then reported later on Friday afternoon that a second US plane, an A-10 Warthog, had crashed near the Strait of Hormuz at around the same time. Similarly, one of the crew members was recovered while another remains missing.

Al Jazeera has reported that a US Black Hawk helicopter was also hit with a projectile while taking part in the search mission and that it managed to leave Iranian airspace before landing safely.

If captured by Iranian forces, analysts have raised the possibility that the missing crew members could be used as bargaining chips in negotiations with Washington.

Iran has claimed responsibility for taking down the F-15 with anti-aircraft fire, with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ (IRGC) semiofficial news agency Tasnim stating that it was destroyed.

US Central Command (CENTCOM) has denied Iran’s previous boasts of having downed US jets—including one it claimed was shot down near the Strait of Hormuz on Thursday. But the US has not yet made similar denials about Friday’s incidents and has confirmed that the F-15 was lost.

Trump claimed during a televised address to the nation on Wednesday that Iran “has been eviscerated and essentially is really no longer a threat,” thanks to a merciless five-week-long US bombing campaign.

He specifically said that Iran’s air defenses had been totally eliminated: “They have no anti-aircraft equipment,” Trump said. “Their radar is 100% annihilated. We are unstoppable.”

The previous week, he claimed Iranian leadership was ready to make a deal with the US because they “can’t do a thing” to protect themselves from US aerial attacks. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has taken a similar line, lauding America’s “air superiority.”

These claims were already brought into doubt by a report on Thursday by CNN that roughly half of Iran’s missile launchers are still intact, and the country still has about 50% of its drones, according to internal US intelligence assessments. One source told the network that Iran was still “very much poised to wreak absolute havoc throughout the entire region.”

If it is confirmed that Iran was responsible for downing the American jets, it takes a sledgehammer to the idea that the country’s capabilities have been destroyed, adding to the seemingly endless stream of lies coming out of the administration about everything from the price of gas to whether Iran is negotiating, to who is even in charge of the country.

At least 15 American troops have been killed in the region since Trump launched the war in Iran, according to an analysis by The Intercept earlier this week. More than 520 US troops have also been injured, but CENTCOM has sent outdated casualty numbers to media outlets and refused to say how many total troops have been killed, leading to accusations of a “cover-up.”

Mohammad Ghalibaf, the speaker of Iran’s Parliament, took a victory lap on social media after news broke of a US plane being downed on Friday and mocked Trump’s claims that the US and Israel have destroyed Iran’s regime.

“After defeating Iran 37 times in a row,” Ghalibaf said, “this brilliant no-strategy war they started has now been downgraded from ‘regime change’ to ‘Hey! Can anyone find our pilots? Please?’”

Friday, April 03, 2026

Dennis Kucinich: How to Stop the Iran War

Consortium News, April 2, 2026

The power of the purse is the surest way Congress can stop the Iran war, or any war. If Congress funds war, Congress authorizes it. If Congress cuts off funds, a war will end.

No War On Iran protest at the White House, Washington, D.C., Feb. 28. (Diane Krauthamer, Flickr, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

By Dennis Kucinich
Substack

Up to 15,000 of the 50,000 American troops in the Middle East region are being positioned to participate in an assault on Kharg Island, Iran’s critical oil export hub, with the aspiration that America, once in control of Kharg, will turn the tables and assume dominance, opening the Strait of Hormuz for the U.S. and allies, while cutting off Iran from its major source of oil revenue.

Marines and paratroopers, with air and naval support, are poised to invade Kharg’s heavily defended 25-mile coast which features rocky terrain, cliffs and in some places, flat limestone surfaces, each presenting its own strategic calculus and hazards. Special Operations may be tasked with the mission of capturing Iran’s enriched uranium, an equally perilous task.

The U.S. cannot invade and/or hold Kharg Island without taking heavy casualties. Iran has been preparing more than 20 years for an assault on the island and U.S. troops could face potential annihilation with counter-attack coming from all directions, air, land and sea, giving new meaning to Kharg Island’s nickname, ‘The Forbidden Island.’

Our political leaders and their military advisors, unless they have been so infected with the virus of war that they have gone mad, must know our troops are facing slaughter.

We could be witnessing the tragic unfolding of a 21st century version of Custer’s Last Stand, where, at the Battle of Little Big Horn in June of 1876, General George Custer and 215 troops in his command were killed, thoroughly routed by the spiritual and strategic wisdom of native Indian leaders, Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse and their followers.

Custer’s troops had been sent by the U.S. government to reclaim Dakota Sioux land in the Black Hills after the discovery of gold in 1874.

Hubris is not limited to time and space. Underestimation of the strength of the opposition, an aggressive battle doctrine which ignored risk to life, overconfidence and cultural bias were operative at Little Big Horn and are abundantly present today among the Trump Administration’s advisors.

There should be no ground invasion of Kharg or other Iranian islands. There should be no further bombing runs or missile attacks on Iran. It is time to de-escalate, and quickly, to avoid further loss of life, and the world-wide collapse of food, fertilizer, fuel and other basic necessities.

Iran’s Kharg Island, 1973. (Wikimedia Commons/Public Domain)

I am not new to the hazards of malignant U.S. foreign policy. As a member of Congress, I led the effort against the Iraq. War. Over several years, I made 155 speeches in the House of Representatives, specifically cautioning against an attack on Iran, and urging diplomacy.

President Trump has fumbled for explanations for this war. It was for Israel, for regime change, to get rid of enriched uranium, to get rid of Iran’s missiles, and yesterday, according to the Financial Times, the naked reason is blood for oil.

Quoting the president:

“to be honest with you, my favorite thing is to take the oil in Iran, but some stupid people back in the U.S. say: ‘Why are you doing that?’ But they’re stupid people.”

Donald Trump meet Forrest Gump: “Stupid is as stupid does.” (Like cancelling the JCPOA nuclear agreement with Iran in 2018 and then complaining the Iranians are not abiding by it, or killing Iran’s chief negotiator, Ali Larijani , and then grousing there is no one with whom to negotiate.)

In the alternative, perhaps the president and his cronies having recently seized control of $150 billion of oil in Venezuela, are criminal masterminds, using the U.S. military as enforcers for private gain.

The president explained his ‘Rule of (liquid) Gold to The New York Times: “We’re going to be using oil, and we’re going to be taking (Venezuela’s) oil.”

Favored administration insiders make billions through stock manipulations, with advance knowledge of president’s market-pacing blurbs, underscoring war as a gigantic grift.

Bipartisan Knavery & Duplicity

During my service as a member of Congress, I challenged bipartisan knavery and duplicity.

I sued three presidents for violating the Constitution’s war powers, Democrat and Republican alike: Bill Clinton over Serbia, George W. Bush over Iraq, and Barack Obama over Libya.

I presented Articles of Impeachment charging both President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney with violations of the Constitution. I did so as both parties repeatedly enabled war, not only through the vainglorious, corrupt actions of the Executive branch, but through Congressional nonfeasance.

Congress has failed to exercise its fundamental constitutional responsibilities relating to the War Power, as well as abandoned its preeminent role to curtail war through using the appropriations process.

Here is what I have witnessed as a member of Congress: The Democratic Party, aware of the public’s fatigue over the war in Iraq, ran its 2006 campaign on a promise to end that war.

The second the Democrats returned to power, leaders pledged to continue to fund the war, the very war they promised to end.

The bait and switch of the Democratic Party in the 2006 campaign, promising peace and delivering war, led me to run for president a second time, on a platform of Strength through Peace.

In 2024, Donald Trump promised peace. It was the cornerstone of his campaign. He excited a crossover vote, won the election and he, too, gave us the opposite, under the slogan “Peace through Strength,” followed by heavy military spending and imperial policies which either provoke or initiate war.

A Vote for War 

The U.S. Capitol at night from the Library of Congress, 2021. (Diane Krauthamer, Flickr, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

If you want to see this war brought to an end, remember this: An appropriations vote is a vote for war. If your congressional representative votes for the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), they vote for war.

This is not about disarming. It is about Congress deciding, on our behalf, limitations on aggression. If Congress votes for a supplemental appropriation to replenish missile stocks, and other armaments, they vote for war.

A congressperson cannot truthfully say they oppose war if they have voted to fund war.

The power of the purse is the surest means by which Congress can stop the Iran war, or any war. If Congress funds war, Congress authorizes it. If Congress cuts off funds, this war will be brought to an end.

The Democratic leader of the House, Hakeem Jeffries, has kept open the possibility of support for an additional $200 billion for the Iran War. This in advance of the 2027 annual war appropriation which the president has doubled, requesting $1.5 trillion, (about 80 percent of current discretionary spending).

The use of the power of the purse is the only means by which Congress can stop this war.

Members of Congress supporting a ground attack on Iran have failed to fulfill one of the most important constitutional responsibilities: Only Congress can legally take the American people from peace to a state of war and put America’s sons and daughters in harm’s way. Since Congress will not formally vote on a declaration of war, it enables war to be pursued through appropriations.

The economic costs of war against Iran, already approaching $40 billion, pale in consideration to the moral costs. The murder of 168 girls by a U.S. Tomahawk missile which struck the Shajareh Tayyebeh elementary school, in Minab, Iran on Feb. 28, will forever be a blot on our nation’s conscience.

The assassination of the Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s chief of state and religious leader as horrifying as it was illegal. The ongoing loss of thousands of Iranian civilian lives due to U.S. and Israeli bombing similarly violates international law, as well as the U.S.’ own laws and cries out for justice.

And we must never forget the price which American military families have already paid in loss of life or injury to their loved ones.

The wanton devastation our own government inflicts upon others in distant lands, our detachment from the carnage visited upon innocent people abroad, will return home in more coffins, more fractured families and pile misery upon misery in other, incalculable ways.

We cannot escape the consequences of the wrongful decisions of our leaders who disregard the U.S. Constitution, violate international and humanitarian law and capriciously kill civilians in other nations, ultimately placing American lives, both military and civilian, at risk.

Another Crime Against Humanity

Funeral of the children of the primary girls’ school in Minab, Iran, who were killed in the U.S.-Israeli bombing on Feb. 28. (Tasnim News Agency/ Wikimedia Commons/ CC BY 4.0)

The Iran war is, much like the attacks against the people of Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen, a crime against humanity, compounded by every bomb and missile strike paid for with our tax dollars. President Trump’s repeated threats to obliterate civilian Iranian energy and water infrastructure are textbook war crimes.

Throughout my career I had no hesitation to challenge the unconstitutional abuse of the war power. Federal courts have consistently declined to intervene in disputes between Congress and the president over war powers.

An appropriations vote is the prime political mechanism to start, continue, or to end a war. A “Yes” vote for a Pentagon appropriation is a vote for war. Period.

Exercising the power of the purse, voting “No” on appropriations which enable war, is the only means by which Congress can stop this war and any other war. If Congress funds war, Congress authorizes war.

Congress also has the War Powers Resolution, which can set a deadline for ending hostilities. Recently, Democratic leadership declined to force a War Powers vote, even as there was bipartisan support.

Ultimately, the financial support for war is not about Democrat versus Republican. Both parties have been captured by foreign and domestic interests that profit from endless war.

Our present leaders will continue to search for false justification was the Iran war, seeking to justify the unjustifiable profligate arms spending.

The cost of the Iran War will felt across the country, at the gas pump, and at the supermarket, while our government quibbles over feeding Americans through the SNAP program, as our farmers are go bankrupt. Is there any clearer demonstration that America has lost its way when its way is war?

A nation weakens itself, not through a single decision, but through a pattern of choices that place wars of choice above the well-being of its own people.

We the People Face a Choice

Trump saluting the transfer of six U.S. servicemembers killed in the Middle East on March 18 at Dover Air Force Base, Delaware. (White House / Abe McNatt)

We the People also face a choice. Continued militarization of the budget brings militarization of thought, word and deed, precipitating more conflict, more wars and fewer resources for the needs of the American people, for jobs, wages, health care, education, and retirement security.

It is time for America to come home from the wars.

The midterm elections are approaching. Democrats and Republicans alike must be held accountable.

You, dear reader, have a voice, and it must be heard. Tell your member of Congress, clearly and without ambiguity, that spending more money for war is not acceptable.

It is time for a new path, and that path begins with you.

Get involved in the elections. Show up. Organize. Support candidates who respect the Constitution, who understand the cost of war, and who will not vote to fund war.

Help ensure that those candidates who stand up for the Constitution and who believe in diplomacy and peace are the ones who prevail.

Only an active citizenry can change the outcome. A constitutional republic endures only when its citizens remain vigilant.

That responsibility now rests with you. With us. With We the People.

A Guide to Lobbying:

Find your member of Congress and both your senators:

Call their office directly (websites are linked from the directory above) or phone the Capitol Switchboard and politely ask to be transferred: 1 (202) 224-3121

Ask for your representative’s office. Politely speak to staff. They are usually very young so be nice to them. They are likely as intimidated as you may feel if this is your first time to lobby like this.

Say something like, “My name is XXX. I am a constituent and a primary voter. Please ensure that our representative votes NO on any WAR APPROPRIATIONS BILL.

Please also write to your representatives. Contact makes a difference. You can also go to their District or D.C. offices in person. Schedule ahead of time if you want to have an official meeting. Bring your friends, family and community with you! Your engagement makes a difference.

Be respectful, polite and confident in what you are asking for.

Kucinich statement after Trump’s Wednesday night address to the nation on Iran:

“The President’s address to the nation was a tone-deaf sale pitch for more war, delivered on the first night of Passover.

Civilian and military casualties are mounting across the region. Lives are being extinguished while triumphalist and violent rhetoric is offered as justification. War is being escalated in the name of peace, a contradiction that demands moral clarity, not political acceptance.

Each life lost carries equal value. No nation’s suffering is expendable. No people exist as collateral.

Iran is not an abstraction, nor just a target on a map. It is one of the great cradles of civilization, a society whose cultural and intellectual contributions long predate the rise of the modern West.

To speak casually of bombing such a nation ‘back to the Stone Age’ reveals a colonial mindset that dehumanizes others and diminishes our own humanity in the process.

The extensive bombing of Iran by the United States and Israel, along with Iran’s counterstrikes, is already taking innocent lives. The global economy is destabilizing as a result.

Energy markets are being disrupted. Oil and gas production is constrained. Fertilizer supply chains are impaired. Critical materials are being cut off.

These consequences will be felt worldwide. Yet the deeper crisis is not economic, it is moral.

We have seen this before. The repeated invocation of a nuclear threat echoes the false claims of ‘Weapons of Mass Destruction’ used to justify the invasion of Iraq.

That war cost thousands of American lives, the lives of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, and trillions of dollars, while leaving a legacy of instability and grief that endures to this day.

If the President truly sought to prevent a nuclear Iran, he would not have abandoned the JCPOA, an agreement that placed verifiable limits on Iran’s nuclear program. Instead, we are presented with a cycle of escalation that defies logic and invites catastrophe.

Political rhetoric is becoming increasingly radical and dangerous. This is not a question of partisan politics. It is a question of conscience with very real global and domestic consequences.

The American people are not called to accept this. They are called to stand against it.

Members of Congress must have the courage to exercise their constitutional authority and rein this in.

War framed as strength is destruction. Violence presented as necessity is gratuitous violence, with consequences already accelerating destabilizing shifts in the global order.

Congress must act. The Constitution vests in Congress the authority to bring this, and any war, to an end through the power of the purse.

The American people must immediately contact their representatives and demand a NO vote on any supplemental funding that would continue this war. Congress must VOTE NO.”

Dennis Kucinich is a former U.S. Congressman from Cleveland, Ohio, two-time presidential candidate, and founder of The Kucinich Report. Known for his unwavering commitment to peace, justice, and common sense, he has spent decades challenging war, corporate power, and political orthodoxy. Throughout his career, Kucinich led efforts to end U.S. military interventions abroad, championed domestic priorities like healthcare, workers’ rights and environmental protection, and promoted the creation of a Department of Peace. Today, through The Kucinich Report, he offers independent, insightful analysis of politics, foreign policy, and economic power — urging diplomacy, cooperation, and thoughtful leadership as a path toward a safer, more just world.

“Casualty Cover-Up”: The Pentagon Is Hiding U.S. Losses Under Trump in the Middle East

 

The Pentagon has sent outdated statements on the number of U.S. troops killed or wounded during the Iran war, resulting in undercounts.

 

Nick Turse, April 1 2026, 2:51 p.m

 

WASHINGTON, DC - MARCH 24:  U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth (R) answers questions as U.S. President Donald Trump looks on during a ceremony for newly sworn in U.S. Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security Markwayne Mullin in the Oval Office at the White House on March 24, 2026 in Washington, DC. Mullin takes the helm of DHS during a challenging time as it has been partially shut down since February 14 while lawmakers negotiate reforms for Immigration and Customs Enforcement. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Secretary of War Pete Hegseth answers questions as President Donald Trump looks on at the White House on March 24, 2026.Photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Almost 750 U.S. troops have been wounded or killed in the Middle East since October 2023, an analysis by The Intercept has found. But the Pentagon won’t acknowledge it.

U.S. Central Command, or CENTCOM, which oversees military operations in the Middle East, appears to be engaged in what a defense official called a “casualty cover-up,” offering The Intercept low-ball and outdated figures and failing to provide clarifications on military deaths and injuries.

At least 15 U.S. troops were wounded Friday in an Iranian attack on a Saudi air base that hosts American troops, according to two government officials who spoke with The Intercept. Hundreds of U.S. personnel have been killed or injured in the region since the U.S. launched a war on Iran just over a month ago.

President Donald Trump — who wore a blue suit, red tie, and a ball cap to the dignified transfer of the first Americans killed in the war — said casualties were inevitable. “When you have conflicts like this, you always have death,” he said afterward. “I met the parents and they were unbelievable people. They were unbelievable people, but they all had one thing in common. They said to me, one thing, every single one: Finish the job, sir. Please finish the job.”

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Trump’s Secret Wars on the World Keep Expanding Nick Turse

On Tuesday, Trump teased that he would wind down the war with Iran in as little as two weeks despite not achieving many of his stated aims, such as “freedom for the people” of Iran, “tak[ing] the oil in Iran,” and forcing Iran’s “unconditional surrender.” At one point, the president even declared that the war would last “as long as necessary to achieve our objective of PEACE THROUGHOUT THE MIDDLE EAST AND, INDEED, THE WORLD!”

“When you have conflicts like this, you always have death.”

CENTCOM has sent outdated statements on casualty numbers, meanwhile, resulting in undercounts, including a statement sent Monday from spokesperson Capt. Tim Hawkins noting that “Since the start of Operation Epic Fury, approximately 303 U.S. service members have been wounded.” The comment was three days old and excluded at least 15 wounded in the Friday attack on Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia. The command did not reply to repeated requests for updated figures.

CENTCOM also would not provide a count of troops who have died in the region since the start of the war. An Intercept analysis puts the number at no less than 15.

“This is, quite obviously, a subject that [War Secretary Pete] Hegseth and the White House want to keep under major wraps,” said the defense official who spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to speak frankly.

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Trump’s Secret Wars on the World Keep Expanding

In 2024, during the Biden administration, the Pentagon provided The Intercept with detailed chronologies of attacks on U.S. bases in the Middle East that listed the specific outpost that was attacked, the type of strike, and whether — or how many — casualties resulted, along with an aggregate count of attacks by country.

The Trump administration’s numbers, by comparison, lack detail and clarity. The current CENTCOM casualty figures do not appear to include more than 200 sailors treated for smoke inhalation or otherwise injured due to a fire that raged aboard the USS Gerald R. Ford before it limped off to Souda Bay, Greece, for repairs. CENTCOM did not reply to close to a dozen requests for clarification on the casualty count and related information sent this week.

“CENTCOM and the White House should be providing accurate and timely information on the costs and casualties involved in this war. After all, it is American taxpayers who are funding it and U.S. economic prosperity and economic wellbeing that is being undermined by it,” Jennifer Kavanagh, the director of military analysis at Defense Priorities, a think tank that advocates for measured U.S. foreign policy, told The Intercept.

“CENTCOM and the White House should be providing accurate and timely information on the costs and casualties involved in this war.”

As the U.S. has relentlessly bombed Iran, that country has responded with attacks on U.S. bases across the Middle East using ballistic missiles and drones. CENTCOM refuses to even offer a simple count of U.S. bases that have been attacked during the war. “We have nothing for you,” a spokesperson told The Intercept. An analysis by The Intercept, however, finds that bases in Bahrain, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and the United Arab Emirates have been targeted.  

On Tuesday, Hegseth said that Iran retained the ability to retaliate for U.S. strikes but that their attacks would be ineffectual. “Yes, they will still shoot some missiles,” he said, “but we will shoot them down.” On Wednesday morning, officials in Bahrain, Kuwait, and Qatar all reported missile or drone attacks from Iran.

Iranian strikes have forced U.S. troops to retreat from their bases to hotels and office buildings across the region, according to the two government officials. The defense official was livid about the Pentagon’s failure to adequately harden the bases and ridiculed Hegseth’s Tuesday prayer at a Pentagon press conference. “May god watch over all of them, each day and each night. May his almighty and eternal arms of providence stretch over them and protect them,” said Hegseth.

“Why didn’t Hegseth protect them?” the defense official asked. “Anyone with a brain knew these attacks were coming.”

Pentagon spokesperson Kingsley Wilson did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

Retired Gen. Joseph Votel, a former head of Central Command, recalled that U.S. troops in the region have faced drone attacks for at least a decade. “At that time we identified a need to protect against this threat, and it has taken far too long for the DoD to respond and provide adequate protection for our deployed troops,” he told The Intercept, referencing drone attacks during the campaign against ISIS in the spring of 2016. “It was a known expectation that, if attacked, Iran would retaliate against our bases, installations, and forces, and I agree that we should have anticipated and been prepared for this inevitability.”

Kavanagh, who previously called attention to the vulnerability of U.S. outposts in the Middle East, echoed Votel. “It has been clear for years that the rapid proliferation of drones and cheap missiles would put U.S. bases and U.S. early detection radars in the region at risk, yet the Pentagon did little to protect them,” she said. “The failure to invest in hardened infrastructure was a choice. Congress should see this failure as evidence that simply giving the Pentagon more money is not a path to national security.”  

“We would be better off if bases across the region were closed for good,” she added.

“We would be better off if bases across the region were closed for good.”

In public statements, Iran’s foreign minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi called out the U.S. for using civilians in nearby Arab monarchies of the Gulf Cooperative Council states as human shields. “U.S. soldiers fled military bases in GCC to hide in hotels and offices,” he wrote on X last week. “Hotels in U.S. deny bookings to officers who may endanger customers. GCC hotels should do same.”

Votel also expressed concern about troops using hotels and offices, noting it “could turn normal civilian infrastructure into military targets for the regime.”

Last month, an Iranian drone strike on a hotel in Bahrain wounded two War Department employees, according to a State Department cable reviewed by the Washington Post. CENTCOM did not respond to a request to confirm to The Intercept that those injuries stem from a March 2 attack on the Crowne Plaza hotel, a luxury property in Manama, Bahrain’s capital, but one official indicated this was likely. Read Our Complete Coverage Targeting Iran

Votel said that a failure to provide troops with adequate protection may handcuff U.S. operations. “I think this really complicates command and control and could affect unit cohesion and effectiveness,” he told The Intercept, referring to the transfer of troops to hotels and office buildings. “That said, we may not have many options if we cannot protect the military bases where they would normally be bedded down.” 

At least 15 U.S. troops in the Middle East have died since the beginning of the Iran War, including six personnel who were killed in a drone strike on Port Shuaiba, Kuwait, and a soldier who died due to an “enemy attack on March 1, 2026, at Prince Sultan Air Base, Saudi Arabia.” More than 520 U.S. personnel have also been injured, including those who suffered smoke inhalation on the Ford.

Prior to the current war with Iran, U.S. bases in the Middle East were increasingly targeted by a mix of one-way attack drones, rockets, mortars, and close-range ballistic missiles after Israel’s war in Gaza began in October 2023, most of the attacks occurring in the year following the outset of the conflict. At least 175 troops were killed or wounded in those attacks, including three service members who died in a January 2024 strike on Tower 22, a facility in Jordan. Other attacks targeted al-Asad Air Base, the Baghdad Diplomatic Support Center, Camp Victory, Union III, Erbil Air Base, and Bashur Air Base in Iraq and Al-Tanf garrison, Deir ez-Zor Air Base, Mission Support Site Euphrates, Mission Support Site Green Village, Patrol Base Shaddadi, Rumalyn Landing Zone, Tell Baydar, and Tal Tamir in Syria.

The casualty statistics do not include contractors, most of them foreigners who suffered non-combat injuries. Official U.S. statistics show that there were almost 12,900 cases of injuries to contractors in the CENTCOM area of operations during 2024 alone. More than 3,700 were the most serious non-fatal injuries, including traumatic brain injuries, requiring more than seven days away from work. Eighteen contractors were also killed, all of them in Iraq. The numbers are likely significant undercounts, but if even the fractional number of known contractor injuries is added to the tally, the casualty count for Americans and those on U.S. bases may top 13,600.