The American people urgently need to know the true history of the
war in Ukraine and its current prospects. Unfortunately, the mainstream
media – The New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Washington Post,
MSNBC, and CNN – have become mere mouthpieces of the government,
repeating US President Joe Biden’s lies and hiding history from the
public.
Biden is again denigrating Russian President Vladimir Putin, this time accusing Putin of a “craven lust for land and power,” after declaring last year
that “For God’s sake, that man [Putin] cannot stay in power.” Yet
Biden is the one who is trapping Ukraine in an open-ended war by
continuing to push NATO enlargement to Ukraine. He is afraid to tell
the truth to the American and Ukrainian people, rejecting diplomacy, and
opting instead for perpetual war.
Expanding NATO to Ukraine, which Biden has long promoted, is a U.S.
gambit that has failed. The neocons, including Biden, thought from the
late 1990s onward that the US could expand NATO to Ukraine (and Georgia)
despite Russia’s vociferous and long-standing opposition. They didn’t
believe that Putin would actually go to war over NATO expansion.
Yet for Russia, NATO enlargement to Ukraine (and Georgia) is viewed
as an existential threat to Russia’s national security, notably given
Russia’s 2,000-km border with Ukraine, and Georgia’s strategic position
on the eastern edge of the Black Sea. U.S. diplomats have explained
this basic reality to U.S. politicians and generals for decades, but the
politicians and generals have arrogantly and crudely persisted in
pushing NATO enlargement nonetheless.
At this point, Biden knows full well that NATO enlargement to Ukraine
would trigger World War III. That’s why behind the scenes Biden put
NATO enlargement into low gear at the Vilnius NATO Summit. Yet rather
than admit the truth – that Ukraine will not be part of NATO – Biden
prevaricates, promising Ukraine’s eventual membership. In reality, he
is committing Ukraine to ongoing bloodletting for no reason other than
U.S. domestic politics, specifically Biden’s fear of looking weak to his
political foes. (A half-century ago, Presidents Johnson and Nixon
sustained the Vietnam War for essentially the same pathetic reason, and
with the same lying, as the late Daniel Ellsberg brilliantly explained.)
Ukraine can’t win. Russia is more likely than not to prevail on the
battlefield, as it seems now to be doing. Yet even if Ukraine were to
break through with conventional forces and NATO weaponry, Russia would
escalate to nuclear war if necessary to prevent NATO in Ukraine.
Throughout his entire career, Biden has served the
military-industrial complex. He has relentlessly promoted NATO
enlargement and supported America’s deeply destabilizing wars of choice
in Afghanistan, Serbia, Iraq, Syria, Libya, and now Ukraine. He defers
to generals who want more war and more “surges,” and who predict imminent victory just ahead to keep the gullible public onside.
Moreover, Biden and his team (Antony Blinken, Jake Sullivan, Victoria
Nuland) seem to have believed their own propaganda that Western
sanctions would strangle the Russian economy, while miracle weapons such
as HIMARS would defeat Russia. And all the while, they have been
telling Americans to pay no attention to Russia’s 6,000 nuclear weapons.
Ukrainian leaders have gone along with the US deception for reasons
that are hard to fathom. Perhaps they believe the US, or are afraid of
the US, or fear their own extremists, or simply are extremists, ready to
sacrifice hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians to death and injury in
the naïve belief that Ukraine can defeat a nuclear superpower that
regards the war as existential. Or possibly some of the Ukrainian
leaders are making fortunes by skimming from the tens of billions of
dollars of Western aid and arms.
The only way to save Ukraine is a negotiated peace. In a negotiated
settlement, the US would agree that NATO will not enlarge to Ukraine
while Russia would agree to withdraw its troops. Remaining issues –
Crimea, the Donbas, US and European sanctions, the future of European
security arrangements – would be handled politically, not by endless
war.
Russia has repeatedly tried negotiations: to try to forestall the
eastward enlargement of NATO; to try to find suitable security
arrangements with the US and Europe; to try to settle inter-ethnic
issues in Ukraine after 2014 (the Minsk I and Minsk II agreements); to
try to sustain limits on anti-ballistic missiles; and to try to end the
Ukraine war in 2022 via direct negotiations with Ukraine. In all cases,
the US government disdained, ignored, or blocked these attempts, often
putting forward the big lie that Russia rather than the US rejects
negotiations. JFK said it exactly right in 1961: “Let us never negotiate
out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.” If only Biden would
heed JFK’s enduring wisdom.
To help the public move beyond the simplistic narrative of Biden and
the mainstream media, I offer a brief chronology of some key events
leading to the ongoing war.
January 31, 1990. German Foreign Minister Hans Dietrich-Genscher pledges
to Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev that in the context of German
reunification and disbanding of the Soviet Warsaw Pact military
alliance, NATO will rule out an “expansion of its territory to the East,
i.e., moving it closer to the Soviet borders.”
February 9, 1990. U.S. Secretary of State James Baker III agrees with Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev that “NATO expansion is unacceptable.”
June 29 – July 2, 1990. NATO Secretary-General Manfred Woerner tells a high-level Russian delegation that “the NATO Council and he [Woerner] are against the expansion of NATO.”
July 1, 1990. Ukrainian Rada (parliament) adopts the Declaration of State Sovereignty,
in which “The Ukrainian SSR solemnly declares its intention of becoming
a permanently neutral state that does not participate in military blocs
and adheres to three nuclear free principles: to accept, to produce and
to purchase no nuclear weapons.”
August 24, 1991. Ukraine declares independence on the basis of the 1990 Declaration of State Sovereignty, which includes the pledge of neutrality.
Mid-1992. Bush Administration policymakers reach a secret internal consensus to expand NATO, contrary to commitments recently made to the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation.
July 8, 1997. At the Madrid NATO Summit, Poland, Hungary, and Czech Republic are invited to begin NATO accession talks.
September-October, 1997. In Foreign Affairs (Sept/Oct, 1997) former U.S. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski details the timeline for NATO enlargement, with Ukraine’s negotiations provisionally to begin during 2005-2010.
March 24 – June 10, 1999. NATO bombs Serbia. Russia terms the NATO
bombing “a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter.”
March 2000. Ukrainian President Kuchma declares that “there is no question of Ukraine joining NATO today since this issue is extremely complex and has many angles to it.”
June 13, 2002. The US unilaterally withdraws from the Anti-Ballistic
Weapons Treaty, an action which the Vice-Chair of the Russian Duma
Defense Committee characterizes as an “extremely negative event of historical scale.”
November-December 2004. The “Orange Revolution” occurs in Ukraine,
events that the West characterizes as a democratic revolution and the
Russian government characterizes as a Western-manufactured grab for power with overt and covert US support.
February 10, 2007. Putin strongly criticizes
the U.S. attempt to create a unipolar world, backed by NATO
enlargement, in a speech to the Munich Security Conference, declaring:
“I think it is obvious that NATO expansion … represents a serious
provocation that reduces the level of mutual trust. And we have the
right to ask: against whom is this expansion intended? And what happened
to the assurances our western partners made after the dissolution of
the Warsaw Pact?”
February 1, 2008. US Ambassador to Russia William Burns sends a confidential cable
to U.S. National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, entitled “Nyet
means Nyet: Russia’s NATO Enlargement Redlines,” emphasizing that
“Ukraine and Georgia’s NATO aspirations not only touch a raw nerve in
Russia, they engender serious concerns about the consequences for
stability in the region.”
February 18, 2008. The US recognizes Kosovo independence over heated Russian objections. The Russian Government declares
that Kosovo independence violates “the sovereignty of the Republic of
Serbia, the Charter of the United Nations, UNSCR 1244, the principles of
the Helsinki Final Act, Kosovo’s Constitutional Framework and the
high-level Contact Group accords.”
April 3, 2008. NATO declares that Ukraine and Georgia “will become members of NATO.” Russia declares
that “Georgia’s and Ukraine’s membership in the alliance is a huge
strategic mistake which would have most serious consequences for
pan-European security.”
August 20, 2008. The US announces that it will deploy ballistic missile defense (BMD) systems in Poland, to be followed later by Romania. Russia expresses strenuous opposition to the BMD systems.
January 28, 2014. Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland and
US Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt plot regime change in Ukraine in a call
that is intercepted and posted on YouTube on February 7, in which Nuland notes that “[Vice President] Biden’s willing” to help close the deal.
February 21, 2014. Governments of Ukraine, Poland, France, and Germany reach an Agreement on settlement of political crisis in Ukraine,
calling for new elections later in the year. The far-right Right
Sector and other armed groups instead demand Yanukovych’s immediate
resignation, and take over government buildings. Yanukovych flees. The
Parliament immediately strips the President of his powers without an
impeachment process.
February 22, 2014. The US immediately endorses the regime change.
March 16, 2014. Russia holds a referendum in Crimea that according
to the Russian Government results in a large majority vote for Russian
rule. On March 21, the Russian Duma votes to admit Crimea to the
Russian Federation. The Russian Government draws the analogy to the Kosovo referendum. The US rejects the Crimea referendum as illegitimate.
March 18, 2014. President Putin characterizes the regime change as a coup, stating:
“those who stood behind the latest events in Ukraine had a different
agenda: they were preparing yet another government takeover; they wanted
to seize power and would stop short of nothing. They resorted to
terror, murder and riots.”
March 25, 2014. President Barack Obama mocks Russia “as a regional power that is threatening some of its immediate neighbors – not out of strength but out of weakness,”
February 12, 2015. Signing of Minsk II agreement. The agreement is unanimously backed by the UN Security Council Resolution 2202 on February 17, 2015. Former Chancellor Angela Merkel later acknowledges
that the Minsk II agreement was designed to give time for Ukraine to
strengthen its military. It was not implemented by Ukraine, and
President Volodymyr Zelensky acknowledged that he had no intention to implement the agreement.
February 1, 2019. The U.S. unilaterally withdraws from the
Intermediate Nuclear Force (INF) Treaty. Russia harshly criticizes the
INF withdrawal as a “destructive” act that stoked security risks.
June 14, 2021. At the 2021 NATO Summit in Brussels, NATO reconfirms
NATO’s intention to enlarge and include Ukraine: “We reiterate the
decision made at the 2008 Bucharest Summit that Ukraine will become a
member of the Alliance.”
September 1, 2021. The US reiterates support for Ukraine’s NATO aspirations in the “Joint Statement on the U.S.-Ukraine Strategic Partnership.”
December 17, 2021. Putin puts forward a draft “Treaty between the United States of America and the Russian Federation on Security Guarantees,” based on non-enlargement of NATO and limitations on the deployment of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles.
January 26, 2022. The U.S. formally replies to Russia that the US
and NATO will not negotiate with Russia over issues of NATO enlargement,
slamming the door on a negotiated path to avoid an expansion of the war
in Ukraine. The U.S. invokes NATO policy
that “Any decision to invite a country to join the Alliance is taken by
the North Atlantic Council on the basis of consensus among all Allies.
No third country has a say in such deliberations.” In short, the US
asserts that NATO enlargement to Ukraine is none of Russia’s business.
February 21, 2022. At a meeting of the Russian Security Council, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov details the U.S. refusal to negotiate:
“We received their response in late January. The assessment of this
response shows that our Western colleagues are not prepared to take up
our major proposals, primarily those on NATO’s eastward non-expansion.
This demand was rejected with reference to the bloc’s so-called
open-door policy and the freedom of each state to choose its own way of
ensuring security. Neither the United States, nor the North Atlantic
Alliance proposed an alternative to this key provision.”
The United States is doing everything it can to avoid the principle
of indivisibility of security that we consider of fundamental importance
and to which we have made many references. Deriving from it the only
element that suits them – the freedom to choose alliances – they
completely ignore everything else, including the key condition that
reads that nobody – either in choosing alliances or regardless of them –
is allowed to enhance their security at the expense of the security of
others.”
February 24, 2022. In an address to the nation,
President Putin declares: “It is a fact that over the past 30 years we
have been patiently trying to come to an agreement with the leading NATO
countries regarding the principles of equal and indivisible security in
Europe. In response to our proposals, we invariably faced either
cynical deception and lies or attempts at pressure and blackmail, while
the North Atlantic alliance continued to expand despite our protests and
concerns. Its military machine is moving and, as I said, is approaching
our very border.”
March 16, 2022. Russia and Ukraine announce significant progress
towards a peace agreement mediated by Turkey and Israeli Prime Minister
Naftali Bennett. As reported in the press,
the basis of the agreement includes: “a ceasefire and Russian
withdrawal if Kyiv declares neutrality and accepts limits on its armed
forces.”
March 28, 2022. President Zelensky publicly declares
that Ukraine is ready for neutrality combined with security guarantees
as part of a peace agreement with Russia. “Security guarantees and
neutrality, the non-nuclear status of our state – we’re ready to do
that. That’s the most important point … they started the war because of
it.”
April 7, 2022. Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov accuses the West
of trying to derail the peace talks, claiming that Ukraine had gone
back on previously agreed proposals. Prime Minister Naftali Bennett
later states (on February 5, 2023) that the U.S. had blocked the pending
Russia-Ukraine peace agreement. When asked if the Western powers
blocked the agreement, Bennett answered: “Basically, yes. They blocked
it, and I thought they were wrong.” At some point, says Bennett, the West decided “to crush Putin rather than to negotiate.”
June 4, 2023. Ukraine launches a major counter-offensive, without achieving any major success as of mid-July 2023.
July 7, 2023. Biden acknowledges that Ukraine is “running out” of 155mm artillery shells, and that the US is “running low.”
July 11, 2023. At the NATO Summit in Vilnius, the final communique reaffirms
Ukraine’s future in NATO: “We fully support Ukraine’s right to choose
its own security arrangements. Ukraine’s future is in NATO … Ukraine
has become increasingly interoperable and politically integrated with
the Alliance, and has made substantial progress on its reform path.”
July 13, 2023. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin reiterates that Ukraine will “no doubt” join NATO when the war ends.
July 13, 2023. Putin reiterates
that “As for Ukraine’s NATO membership, as we have said many times,
this obviously creates a threat to Russia’s security. In fact, the
threat of Ukraine’s accession to NATO is the reason, or rather one of
the reasons for the special military operation. I am certain that this
would not enhance Ukraine’s security in any way either. In general, it
will make the world much more vulnerable and lead to more tensions in
the international arena. So, I don’t see anything good in this. Our
position is well known and has long been formulated.”
Reprinted with permission from David Stockman’s Contra Corner.
Jeffrey D. Sachs is a University Professor and Director of the
Center for Sustainable Development at Columbia University, where he
directed The Earth Institute from 2002 until 2016. He is also President
of the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network and a commissioner
of the UN Broadband Commission for Development. He has been advisor to
three United Nations Secretaries-General, and currently serves as an SDG
Advocate under Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. Sachs is the author,
most recently, of A New Foreign Policy: Beyond American Exceptionalism (2020). Other books include: Building the New American Economy: Smart, Fair, and Sustainable (2017), and The Age of Sustainable Development, (2015) with Ban Ki-moon.
